tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-89987763283754646242024-03-14T06:14:49.083+08:00EUROPEAN WARS OF INSURRECTION 1830-50The European Revolutions of 1848, known in some countries as the Spring of Nations or the Year of Revolution, were a series of political upheavals throughout the European continent. Described by some historians as a revolutionary wave, the period of unrest began on 12 January 1848 in Sicily and then, further propelled by the French Revolution of 1848, soon spread to the rest of Europe.Mitch Williamsonhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14692138354674511017noreply@blogger.comBlogger52125tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8998776328375464624.post-56693535566218758072016-03-26T23:40:00.000+08:002016-03-26T23:40:02.242+08:00Field Marshal Johann Josef Wenzel, Count Radetzky von Radec <br />
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<br />
<div class="MsoNormal">
Despite the mental weakness of Franz’s son Ferdinand,
Metternich supported his accession, perhaps also convinced that this young man,
perceived by the Archduke John as ‘wholly incapable of decisive action’, would
allow Metternich to run the affairs of state with the minimum of interference.
Indeed, Metternich proceeded to personify the system that now governed most of
Central and Eastern Europe far more than the Emperor.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
Ferdinand’s reign witnessed huge encroachments by the
‘apparatus of the state’, with police informers and surveillance reaching
levels that would be achieved in Central Europe only in totalitarian states a
century later. It was a tribute to the popularity of the half-wit Emperor’s
predecessor that this unhappy state of affairs lasted thirteen years before
there was an explosion. As the Archduke Albert wrote of Ferdinand’s reign, ‘It
could not have lasted a year had not his predecessor enjoyed an unimpeachable
position.’</div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
The ‘tyranny’ that was reported to have descended on the
Empire was much exaggerated by liberal opinion, especially in England. The
remarkable memoirs of The Times correspondent of the day, Charles Pridham,
describe vividly how the machinery of a police state was mobilised to watch and
monitor his every move as he attempted to get to Hungary to cover events there.
From Vienna to Trieste he was treated to every conceivable measure of
surveillance and official delay, worthy indeed of the wiles of the Eastern
European communists in their dealings with correspondents a hundred and forty
years later. But for the help of the British Consul in Trieste, who certainly
defied the instructions of his Ambassador in Vienna, the supine and ‘pragmatic’
Ponsonby, he would almost certainly never have made it into Hungary at all.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
But though a price was eventually placed on his head by the
infamously severe General Haynau, Pridham suffered no physical violence and it
was somehow typical of the Metternich era that, despite the furious cries of
journalists and writers against the reign of censorship and confiscation, none
was ever imprisoned or physically attacked for attempting to subvert the rules.
There were no ‘show trials’. No records of torture during the Metternich
period, of individuals disappearing or of incarceration without due process of
law, exist.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
Because the revolutionary events of 1848 affected the
structure of the army directly, they also threatened the existence of the
dynasty. Conditions in Vienna and Budapest suggested strongly that the fiction of
the Emperor Ferdinand’s reign be abandoned. The generals who were loyal to the
dynasty awaited orders from Vienna but from the Emperor there came nothing.
When Ferdinand went for a carriage ride, against the advice of his courtiers,
and saw the angry Viennese crowd jeering, he mistook it for innocent emotional
excess. ‘Ma Liebe Wärner! Schauens die oan! So a Stuam!’ (‘My darling Viennese!
Just look at them. How excited they get’), he observed in broad Viennese
dialect, utterly unperturbed. On another occasion when following a riot a stray
cow found its way into the Hofburg courtyards, he looked down from a window
languidly commenting to his horrified aides: ‘That must be the first stupid cow
to get into this palace without the help of any nepotism’ (‘ohne Protection’).</div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
Fortunately for the dynasty, the moment brought forth the
men. Three distinguished soldiers emerged who, keeping their nerve, would
ensure the survival of the House of Austria. When the Emperor said Wir (We),
cynics joked that each letter stood for one of his generals. Chief among these
was a man in his 83rd year whom we have already encountered on the battlefields
of Europe a generation earlier: Field Marshal Johann Josef Wenzel, Count
Radetzky von Radec. As we have observed, there was nothing in Radetzky’s career
to suggest that he would for a moment either surrender or give up the struggle
for the Habsburgs. His greatest support was his popularity among his soldiers
but also – and this is rarely referred to – among the Italian peasantry. These
saw him as a guardian against the pretensions of their Italian aristocratic
landlords and the intellectual musings of the Milanese middle classes whose
ambitions carried no weight among the simple ‘contadini’; a class division
repeated throughout the monarchy.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
Documents found recently in the USA indicate that Radetzky
was not the simple reactionary that he is sometimes painted. As a young man he
had embraced the Enlightenment ideals of the Josephinian era and had been one
of the first young officers of the Imperial army to join a Masonic lodge.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
A strong conviction that progress was to be welcomed never
left Radetzky. His support for those less fortunate than himself assisted many
military careers, notably Benedek’s. At the same time his human frailties
endeared him to his Italian soldiers who knew the rumours (perfectly true) of
his many illegitimate children and of his long, passionate and affectionate
affair with his Italian housekeeper, Giudita Meregalli, who was equally devoted
to him. Such a lifestyle was expensive and it was Radetzky’s tragedy to be
married to a wife who sought refuge from her husband’s many infidelities in the
relentless pursuit of material and costly luxuries. In 1798, he had married the
rather stiff Friulan Countess Strassoldo. In eighteen years she had dutifully
borne him eight children and, from 1805, two-thirds of every florin Radetzky
earned were sent straight to Gorizia for his wife and family’s needs, 4,000 out
of 6,000 florins, according to one letter from Radetzky to his favourite daughter,
Friederike Wenckheim. In 1816, the General only staved off bankruptcy by
pledging his debtors half of his future income. Even when he was made a Field
Marshal in 1836, the financial worries did not cease.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
In addition to his eight children with Countess Strassoldo,
only two of whom would outlive him, the general had commitments with his
Italian Signora Meregalli. She was a voluptuous, capable woman whose
simplicity, warmth and charm were all any soldier could wish for. Milanese
history has embroidered her character with many details but all the
contemporary sources are agreed that she was a formidable cook. She had
‘conquered’ the old general with, among other gifts, her ravishing culinary
skills, not least her gnocchi di zucca and cotoletta alla Milanese, a dish
later exported to Vienna where it became the ubiquitous Wiener Schnitzel.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
She too bore him eight children, five sons and three
daughters, all of whom Radetzky recognised as his own and whom he supported
financially. Nor was the soldier’s relationship with Signora Meregalli limited
to domestic issues. When he was away from Lombardy he wrote regularly about the
political situation in Europe generally. These letters show that he did not for
a moment underestimate his Italian cook’s intelligence. In one, he noted that
it would be just his luck to be posted to Bohemia when it was his real wish
‘with all his heart’ to return to Italy. He deplored London’s continual support
for Italian revolution, writing to his daughter Friederike: ‘As long as England
does not stop to lead the campaign to destroy Europe, there will not be any
peace.’</div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
For Radetzky, Signora Meregalli was also a vital source of
information on what the Italians were thinking. Her connections with the
leaders of the Lombard rebels have never been proven, though they are alluded
to in Italian texts. In any event, as Radetzky’s letters of March 1848 show, he
knew the explosion was coming; that Piedmont was rearming and that all the
warning signs were there. These warnings he conscientiously passed on to Vienna
but his superiors filed them unread, being distracted by events nearer to home.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
The Italians needed little encouragement to rise up. The
Milanese intellectuals, excited by Piedmontese and British propaganda, seized
weapons and began to menace the garrison. Confronted by an armed uprising,
Radetzky knew he had to move swiftly. After five days of attacks he brought his
forces out of Milan. The Imperial troops marched out of the city on a wet and
windy night. The cannons roared and the clatter of rifle fire filled the night,
illuminated as it was by the flames of the burning buildings. As Radetzky’s
advance guard punched a hole through the thin revolutionary forces holding the
Porta Romana, the troops marched along the Lodi road past the motionless figure
of their commander, who was watching with his small staff on horseback in the
torrential rain of a thunderstorm. The rain poured off his hat and coat and,
though drenched to the skin, the Field Marshal, motionless and calm, watched
his men. Finally when almost the last soldiers had passed, Radetzky was heard
to say ‘Wir kehren wieder’ (‘We’ll be back’) before riding off into the rainy
night.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
As Radetzky retired into the formidable ‘Quadrilateral’ of
fortresses: Verona, Mantua, Legnano and Peschiera, the only good news seemed to
come from Tyrol, where the aged priest and veteran of 1809 Haspinger and the
grandsons of Andreas Hofer had marched towards Mantua to avenge their
grandfather’s death. Haspinger’s beard was now no longer red but silver white.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
The fortifications Radetzky found on regaining the
Quadrilateral were in a parlous state. In Verona some outworks were held only
by three or four men. In Peschiera there was a garrison of fewer than 41 men,
of whom 17 were officially classed as invalids. But the old Marshal was
undeterred. From here he tore up the Italian peace overtures and made
preparations to destroy his opponents. He had trained his troops over the
previous years and he knew their quality. As early as 1833, he had written a
paper for the Archduke John on the possibilities of defensive campaigning with
Verona rather than the Mincio river as the key to his strategy. The experienced
soldier knew every inch of the territory and he had fought many campaigns
against far more deadly foes.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;">Windischgrätz and
Jellačić</b></div>
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
</div>
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
</div>
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-M3fQ6Dm_1YE/VvasxnTfByI/AAAAAAAA24w/bkfdN_oKe4ceAx3iefZ89w8LT1R_ZBMQw/s1600/pes_5481.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" src="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-M3fQ6Dm_1YE/VvasxnTfByI/AAAAAAAA24w/bkfdN_oKe4ceAx3iefZ89w8LT1R_ZBMQw/s1600/pes_5481.jpg" /></a></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"> </b><i><b> </b></i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
<i><b>Prince
Windischgrätz</b></i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
<br /></div>
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://4.bp.blogspot.com/-jGHXLHso580/VvatJqJPrNI/AAAAAAAA240/ThwrDB03hFIz3BxMMaStx7YVDW1XKiRvg/s1600/ijkhghuju.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="320" src="https://4.bp.blogspot.com/-jGHXLHso580/VvatJqJPrNI/AAAAAAAA240/ThwrDB03hFIz3BxMMaStx7YVDW1XKiRvg/s320/ijkhghuju.jpg" width="231" /></a></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
<i><b> Josef Jellačić von Buzim</b></i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
While Radetzky prepared his counter-offensive, two other
Habsburg generals moved to support the throne. The first of these was Prince
Windischgrätz, a general very much of the reactionary school with a heavy,
brutal face while the second was, perhaps, the most romantic of all Austrian
generals of the mid-nineteenth century, the Croat, Josef Jellačić von Buzim.
Together with Radetzky, the three made up with the initials of their surnames
the Imperial and Royal WIR (the I and J were interchangeable). If the Kaiser
used the royal We (Wir), he meant Windischgrätz, Jellačić, Radetzky – his three
generals.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
It was Windischgrätz who subdued Prague and then came back
to deal with Vienna. The experience in Prague had hardened him even more. A few
yards from the famous ‘Powder Tower’, he had seen his wife shot by the mob
before his eyes. This tragedy persuaded him to suggest yet more radical steps.
It was clear to Windischgrätz that the existing Kaiser was simply not up to the
challenges of the moment. Metternich had fled Vienna. But Vienna was not
Berlin; Austria was no Prussia where the army could take over. It existed to
serve the dynasty, not to replace it.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
‘We need a Kaiser we can show the soldiers,’ Windischgrätz
told his brother-in-law Prince Felix Schwarzenberg, nephew of the victor of
Leipzig in 1813. The obvious candidate was the young Archduke Franz-Josef,
barely turned 18 and known as the ‘Flower of the Habsburgs’. The boy was manly,
a keen equestrian and a splendid-looking officer. But before the abdication of
Ferdinand could even be thought of in practical terms, a number of Habsburg
family members would need to be persuaded, and this would take time.</div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
The situation in Vienna certainly called for desperate
measures. In October, the Imperial family had to move to Olmütz for the second
time. The mob had stormed the Arsenal and, in an act worthy of the worst
excesses of the French Revolution, had hacked the hapless Latour to death, stringing
up his body from a nearby lamp-post, still alive. In March, Metternich, the
erstwhile ‘Coachman of Europe’ had already made his discreet exit from Vienna
and politics hidden in a laundry basket.</div>
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<br /></div>
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Meanwhile the Hungarian rebellion was in full cry. The Hungarians
wanted a constitution and demanded that all Habsburg troops stationed on
Hungarian territory should swear allegiance to the Constitution rather than the
Habsburg monarch. To make matters even more complex, the Hungarian troops were
scattered throughout the realm. Of the twelve Hussar regiments only six were on
Hungarian soil. Many were with Radetzky, and the last thing he needed was their
marching off to defend their constitution. While he permitted some Hussar
officers to return, the majority of the troops opted to remain. His troops,
including several regiments made up of Italians, were loyal.</div>
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Determined to seize the opportunity presented by the rather
indifferent quality of the Piedmontese troops ranged against him, Radetzky was
thunderstruck by a request from Ferdinand, now in Innsbruck, to make peace with
the Italians. Radetzky urged the young Prince Schwarzenberg to travel to the
Imperial court immediately to have the decision rescinded.</div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
Radetzky had often contemplated the action he now faced and
had made the following manoeuvre the basis of many earlier exercises. As he
recalled: ‘An enemy army from the west pursues a much weaker Austrian Army
across the Mincio and occupies the heights of Sommacampagna but the Austrian
army retires on Verona and there reinforced resumes the offensive.’ This plan
became reality for Radetzky.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
On 28 April, 30,000 Piedmontese troops attacked 6,000
Austrians at Pastrengo and were swiftly beaten back in a short, sharp and
defensive action, which would set the trend for the following weeks.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
On 6 May the Piedmontese attacked again with a numerical
superiority of 3:1 at Santa Lucia where the 10th Jaeger battalion under Colonel
Karl von Kopal, together with a battalion of the Erzherzog Sigismund infantry
regiment, mostly made up of Italians, took up a strong defensive position. Two
companies of the Jaeger defended the cemetery, where the fighting raged for
hours. The two battalions held off and defeated three Piedmontese brigades in
an action which showed that, in the hands of the right officers, Italian troops
loyal to the Habsburgs were a formidable instrument against their confrères.
However, it did not all go Radetzky’s way. Three weeks later the Austrian
Tuscan division was defeated at Curtatone, and Peschiera, still weakly held,
fell to the Piedmontese.</div>
Mitch Williamsonhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14692138354674511017noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8998776328375464624.post-68097495280637337732016-03-26T23:15:00.000+08:002016-03-26T23:15:04.628+08:00“Policeman of Europe” (1796-1853)<br />
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<br />
Suvarov’s disciples, notably Pyotr Bagration and Mikhail Kutuzov,
strove to maintain the reforms he had brought, but the short,
reactionary reign of Paul I (1796- 1801) undermined the foundations of
the army. The son of Catherine II, Paul was raised largely by his
grandmother, Elizabeth I, and her trusted minister, Nikolai Panin. Upon
his ascent, Paul set about reversing many of Catherine’s policies. He
replaced the army’s cheap and comfortable uniforms, which were
distinctly Russian and eminently practical, with Prussian- style parade
uniforms. Paul was also fond of parade and drill, and in 1796 he
introduced The Infantry Codes, a set of instructions that focused on
discipline, formation, and the outward appearance of both soldier and
unit. Suvarov had largely ignored them, but common soldiers did so at
their peril, for Paul was also an advocate of corporal punishment. His
choice for quarter-master general, Alexis Arakcheev, so shared this
temperament that during 1798 several units mutinied and an officer
committed suicide rather than follow his orders.<br />
<br />
Deprived of his offices upon the murder of Paul I, Arakcheev was soon
reinstated and provided useful services to the new emperor, Alexander
I. The damage had largely been done though; during Paul’s reign, the
upper echelons had become corrupt, and officers, largely drawn from the
upper nobility, cared little for the soldiers and knew less of military
strategies and tactics. The Russian armies that fought Napoleon at
Austerlitz, Eylau, and Friedland performed admirably in the face of such
difficulties, but were defeated in the end. Alexander signed the Treaty
of Tilsit in July 1807, which pledged Russia to support the Continental
System against Great Britain. Russia also lost the Ionian Islands, and
had to evacuate the principalities of Wallachia and Moldavia.<br />
<br />
During Russia’s brief interval of peace, Alexander and Arakcheev
worked to reform the army. Taking the lessons of Austerlitz, Arakcheev
had already introduced reforms to the artillery known as the “System of
1805”; this reorganization deployed 6- and 12- pound guns throughout the
army, and created light and heavy foot artillery battalions that
operated independently. He further improved officer training, and issued
a new series of regulations that incorporated many of Suvarov’s ideas.
Promoted to minister of defense in 1808, Arakcheev improved the army’s
supply operations, and the grading of the general staff. During the
Patriotic War of 1812, he supervised army recruiting and managed supply.<br />
<br />
Alexander I’s turn back to the enlightened military ideals of Suvarov
appeared of little worth in the early stages of the Patriotic War.
Under the command of Field Marshal Michael Andreas Barclay de Tolly the
Russian armies fell steadily back before the onslaught of Napoleon’s
500,000- man Grande Armée . Tolly made a brief stand at Smolensk in
August 1812, but left the city smoldering and resumed the retreat,
scorching the earth to deny the French ready supply. After three months
of avoiding battle, Tolly was replaced with Kutuzov, who practiced
similar tactics. Kutuzov had the good fortune- or cleverness- to engage
Napoleon outside of Moscow at Borodino, however, just before winter was
to arrive. The Russians arguably lost the battle, with Kutuzov leaving
the field that evening having suffered some 40,000 casualties from a
force of about 150,000, but it was there that Napoleon lost the war.
When he departed Moscow at the end of October, the French emperor found
Kutuzov waiting for him; the Russians successfully blocked an attempt to
retreat via Kaluga and then harassed the emperor’s forces all the way
back to East Prussia.<br />
<br />
Contrary to popular belief, the Russian armies of Tolly and Kutuzov
were not large forces; they retreated because they could not match the
strength of the French. Even as the Grande Armée returned west, it
remained equal to or larger than Kutuzov’s force for most of the way.
Not until the spring and summer of 1813 did the Russians’ mass reserves
sufficient not only to pursue the French but to engage them. The
immediate results again were not good; Kutuzov had passed away in April
1813 and his successor, Peter Wittgenstein, was defeated at both Lützen
and Bautzen. Russian armies did take part in the allied victory at
Leipzig though, and in January 1814 they invaded France under the direct
command of Alexander I.<br />
<br />
While the Russian armies thus were ultimately successful in returning
to the ways of Suvarov, the Patriotic War changed something in
Alexander. Scholars have debated whether it was the malevolent influence
of Baroness de Kruedener, a revolutionary conspiracy among his imperial
guardsmen, or a putative kidnap plot- or all of these- that turned the
former supporter of liberalism (at least in a limited sense), but
something did. Upon his return from Paris, where he had constructed the
conservative Holy Alliance, Alexander set about restoring the discipline
and methods of Arakcheev and Paul I in the army. In the Semeonovsky
Regiment, which he personally commanded, Alexander introduced such
strict discipline, enforced by endless drill, personal abuse, and
floggings that a mutiny ensued. There were at least 14 other such
incidents between 1816 and 1825.<br />
<br />
An additional feature of Alexander’s attempt to restore discipline
and morality to the army was the creation of military colonies in
Novgorod and southern Ukraine. Benignly interpreted, these
establishments were designed to reduce the costs of maintaining an army,
foster camaraderie among units, and instill discipline. Essentially,
they consisted of large estates populated by government serfs organized
into battalions of “farmer- colonists.” Each farmer- colonist had an
obligation to support not only his family but also two “soldier-
lodgers” from his allotment of land. The soldier- lodgers provided labor
for the many projects Alexander and Arakcheev lavished upon the
colonies, including roads, sidewalks, and well- designed houses. The
farmer- colonists also received decent farming equipment and livestock
from the government. They hated the colonies nonetheless. Both farmer-
colonists and soldier- lodgers were required to wear uniforms at all
times.<br />
<br />
They spend mornings at drill, and lived on military time, their
activity governed by the call of bugle and drum. Male children began
drill at age 6, and were sent to special military schools at age 12;
they began regular military service at 17. In some colonies, and notably
on Arakcheev’s personal estate, women were expected to bear children
annually to supplement the levy. These strictures and others led to a
number of rebellions; in 1819, two cavalry regiments revolted in Ukraine
and over 2,000 men were arrested.<br />
<br />
Others, notably those who had served as junior officers with
Alexander in France, revolted in other ways. Many of the Guards and army
officers joined secret, liberal societies dedicated to the reform of
Russian institutions, including the army. When Alexander banished the
rebels from his Semeonovsky Regiment to Ukraine, he merely dispersed the
movement without destroying it in the capital. By 1825, there were two
groups involved in a widespread conspiracy: the Northern Society of St.
Petersburg, and the Southern Society housed in Second Army in Ukraine.
Both groups hoped to abolish serfdom; disband the military colonies;
institute responsible, representative government; and reform the
military system. Alexander I died before they could enact the plot to
assassinate him; however, the Northern Society seized the opportunity to
attempt a coup- the Decembrist Revolt- and force the successor to bow
to their demands.<br />
<br />
If Nicholas I had ever had any grand intentions of reform, the
Decembrist Revolt likely stifled them, for among the plotters were 16
major generals, 115 colonels, and 315 company officers representing 40
of the army’s 256 battalions. The failed coup thus not only stripped the
army of many of its best officers, it instilled a distrust between
officers and between units.<br />
<br />
Nicholas did work to alleviate the harsh conditions Alexander had
imposed upon the army, however; he dismissed Arakcheev and eased
restrictions on farmer- colonists. The general term of service was
reduced to 15 years, and Nicholas sponsored military legislation that
eliminated some of the harsher punishments and generally encouraged more
humane treatment of the enlisted. Provisioning was improved notably,
and a system of dedicated military hospitals was created. Military
education also improved, as Nicholas established 18 additional cadet
corps and, in 1832, a military academy to train general staff officers.
Training remained largely for show, however, and military equipment was
little improved. While the Russian Imperial Army thus appeared
magnificent and overwhelming, and produced a string of triumphs when
pitted against the Persian and Ottoman armies, or against Polish or
Hungarian rebels, by 1853 it could no longer stand against the modern
armies of Europe as it had half a century before.Mitch Williamsonhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14692138354674511017noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8998776328375464624.post-58503155332268718302015-08-14T16:27:00.002+08:002015-08-14T16:27:41.816+08:00The July Revolution of 1830<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="http://3.bp.blogspot.com/-hmJ5SAmztyM/Vc2mObUSeqI/AAAAAAAA1Nc/Kdv7ndJ7sJ8/s1600/Portrait-Of-Charles-X-1757-1836-King-Of-France-And-Navarre.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="400" src="http://3.bp.blogspot.com/-hmJ5SAmztyM/Vc2mObUSeqI/AAAAAAAA1Nc/Kdv7ndJ7sJ8/s400/Portrait-Of-Charles-X-1757-1836-King-Of-France-And-Navarre.jpg" width="317" /></a></div>
<div style="text-align: center;">
<i><b>Horace Vernet: <a href="http://www.1st-art-gallery.com/Horace-Vernet/Portrait-Of-Charles-X-1757-1836-King-Of-France-And-Navarre.html" target="_blank">Portrait of Charles X 1757-1836 King of France and Navarre</a></b></i></div>
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Name="Body Text First Indent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Note Heading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text Indent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text Indent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Block Text"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Hyperlink"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="FollowedHyperlink"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="22" QFormat="true" Name="Strong"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="20" QFormat="true" Name="Emphasis"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Document Map"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Plain Text"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="E-mail Signature"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Top of Form"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Bottom of Form"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Normal (Web)"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Acronym"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Address"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Cite"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Code"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Definition"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Keyboard"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Preformatted"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Sample"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Typewriter"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Variable"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Normal Table"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="annotation subject"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="No List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Outline List 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Outline List 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Outline List 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Simple 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Simple 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Simple 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Classic 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Classic 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Classic 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Classic 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Colorful 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Colorful 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Colorful 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Columns 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Columns 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Columns 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Columns 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Columns 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 7"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 8"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 7"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 8"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table 3D effects 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table 3D effects 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table 3D effects 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Contemporary"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Elegant"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Professional"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Subtle 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Subtle 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Web 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Web 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Web 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Balloon Text"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="Table Grid"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Theme"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" Name="Placeholder Text"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="1" QFormat="true" Name="No Spacing"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" Name="Revision"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="34" QFormat="true"
Name="List Paragraph"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="29" QFormat="true" Name="Quote"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="30" QFormat="true"
Name="Intense Quote"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="19" QFormat="true"
Name="Subtle Emphasis"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="21" QFormat="true"
Name="Intense Emphasis"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="31" QFormat="true"
Name="Subtle Reference"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="32" QFormat="true"
Name="Intense Reference"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="33" QFormat="true" Name="Book Title"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="37" SemiHidden="true"
UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Bibliography"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" SemiHidden="true"
UnhideWhenUsed="true" QFormat="true" Name="TOC Heading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="41" Name="Plain Table 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="42" Name="Plain Table 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="43" Name="Plain Table 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="44" Name="Plain Table 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="45" Name="Plain Table 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="40" Name="Grid Table Light"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46" Name="Grid Table 1 Light"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51" Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52" Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46" Name="List Table 1 Light"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="List Table 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="List Table 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="List Table 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="List Table 5 Dark"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51" Name="List Table 6 Colorful"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52" Name="List Table 7 Colorful"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="List Table 1 Light Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="List Table 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="List Table 3 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="List Table 4 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="List Table 5 Dark Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="List Table 6 Colorful Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="List Table 7 Colorful Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="List Table 1 Light Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="List Table 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="List Table 3 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="List Table 4 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="List Table 5 Dark Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="List Table 6 Colorful Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="List Table 7 Colorful Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="List Table 1 Light Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="List Table 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="List Table 3 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="List Table 4 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="List Table 5 Dark Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="List Table 6 Colorful Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="List Table 7 Colorful Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="List Table 1 Light Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="List Table 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="List Table 3 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="List Table 4 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="List Table 5 Dark Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="List Table 6 Colorful Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="List Table 7 Colorful Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="List Table 1 Light Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="List Table 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="List Table 3 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="List Table 4 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="List Table 5 Dark Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="List Table 6 Colorful Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="List Table 7 Colorful Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="List Table 1 Light Accent 6"/>
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The July Revolution of 1830 was stunningly swift, a matter
of days instead of years. On Monday, 26 July, King Charles X issued the four
ordonnances, a bold attempt to subvert the constitution and increase royal
power. By late Thursday morning, he had lost control of Paris; by Saturday, the
duc d'Orléans had accepted an invitation from the Chamber of Deputies to become
Lieutenant General of the kingdom. On Monday, 2 August-just a week after the
ordonnances had appeared-Charles X abdicated on behalf of his grandson. On 7
August, the Chamber approved a hasty revision of the constitution. And on
Monday, 9 August, a mere two weeks after it all began, the duc d'Orléans was
installed as Louis-Philippe I, King of the French. </div>
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Republicans were not happy, but there were too few of them
to affect the outcome. "We ceded only because we were not in force,"
said republican journalist Godefroy Cavaignac. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Nevertheless, the leading moderate
republicans, all of them members of the educated middle classes-physicians,
lawyers, hommes de lettres-were willing to tolerate a throne genuinely
"surrounded by republican institutions," according to the popular
formula. The July Monarchy soon disappointed expectations, first with a
contrived political trial, the Proces des Dix-Neuf, and then with a series of
judicial attacks against the free press, the right of association, and the
Société des Amis du Peuple. By 5-6 June 1832, violent montagnardism had
emerged, and active Parisian republicanism had become a largely working-class
movement.</div>
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There were significant economic problems in the background
of the 1830 revolution, acute in the period from 1827 to 1832; the years were
marked by harvest failures, food shortages, and increases in the cost of
living. These agricultural difficulties made worse the recession in the
industrial economy, leading to an upsurge in the number of bankruptcies, a
sharp rise in unemployment, and the lowering of wages in several important
industries. During the unusually cold winter of 1828-1829, up to a quarter of Paris
residents had depended on bread cards, which entitled them to cheap loaves. Yet
the revolution was a political adjustment rather than an economic upheaval; the
economic forces that drove it were not in the streets but in a struggle of the
elites, and the regime that emerged-despite the continuing strength of the
nobility-was called, with reason, the bourgeois monarchy. </div>
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The revolution began within the government itself. On 16
March 1830, by a vote of 221 to 181, the members of the liberal opposition in
the Chamber of Deputies deliberately challenged the king by requesting that he
change his council, which was headed by the reactionary Prince Jules de
Polignac. Rather than concede, the king dissolved the chamber. New elections in
June led to results even more lopsided; the opposition was now at least 270
votes strong, with only about 145 firmly for the Polignac ministry. In early
July, after a very brief campaign, French forces seized Algiers. The initial
conquest was easy; pacification would become the chief foreign military burden
of the Orléans regime. But for the moment, it seemed that colonial success
might embolden Charles X to use article 14 of the Charter, which allowed the
monarch to issue ordonnances for "the security of the state," and
thus effectively to assume dictatorial powers. </div>
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These premonitions were fulfilled on Monday, 26 July 1830,
with the publication of the four ordonnances. The new regulation on the press
prohibited newspapers from publishing without government authorization, renewable
every three months and revocable at will. The already narrow voting rights (based
on the payment of taxes) were further restricted to landowners, by a
disqualification of the sorts of taxes paid by wealthy businessmen. Of the
remaining voters, only the top one-quarter would elect deputies directly. The
other two decrees dissolved the new Chamber and called for elections in
September. If the ordonnances had stood, the monarchy would have been able
effectively to muzzle a critical press and manipulate elections. To the liberal
opposition, such a regime would have meant dominance by the old nobility and
clergy. </div>
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July was the first of what would become an astonishing
series of revolutions and unsuccessful rebellions. The National Guard of Paris,
dissolved by Charles X after many of them had shouted against his ministry
during an 1827 review, spontaneously began to appear on the streets to mediate
between combatants and troops. Among the insurgents, ordinary working people
predominated, with little to guide them except the energetic journalists'
protest, drafted by Adolphe Thiers of Le National and read out on the streets
by angry printshop workers (their livelihoods threatened) on Tuesday, 27 July.
Those who fought, according to David Pinkney, were mostly respectable artisans
and skilled workers. The construction and wood-working trades, including
masons, carpenters, joiners, cabinetmakers, and locksmiths, were
overrepresented, according to their total numbers in Paris. There were
relatively few students. Pinkney suggested that the principle leadership was
provided by veterans of the empire, an impression shared by physician F.
Poumies de la Siboutie, who set out with his medical kit on the second day of
the fighting and noted "uniforms of all branches [of the service], of all
epochs, of the Republic, the Empire, worn by old soldiers or retired
officers." The dead numbered 496 civilians and 150 soldiers. </div>
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But the insurgents were not republicans. Edgar Leon Newman
has shown that the working classes of 1830 spurned the republican students and
journalists who tried so desperately to enlist them. Instead, they had learned
to trust the liberal opposition leaders of the Restoration, bound to them by a
shared anticlericalism that was nourished with cheap reissues of Enlightenment
classics. They followed these same leaders in 1830, to the amazement even of
liberals; Le National editor Armand Carrel was frankly surprised that working
people concerned themselves with the constitutional questions that agitated the
political classes: "Everywhere in the streets men without coats,
shirtsleeves rolled up, armed with muskets, and running to the defense of the
barricades, said: `We want our Deputies; our Deputies know what we need, and
the king doesn't.” The duc d'Orléans' oldest son later remembered the appeal of
a wounded combatant: "`Prince,' he said to me, his eyes haggard and his
hair bristling, `time presses. It is necessary to save the fatherland! Your
father at our head, your father king, and we will finish with the emigrés and
the Jesuits!'"</div>
Mitch Williamsonhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14692138354674511017noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8998776328375464624.post-1969622009364105682015-05-13T19:51:00.002+08:002016-03-26T22:52:36.376+08:00"Gendarme of Europe"<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="http://2.bp.blogspot.com/-8J1K4k_t7us/SiVKlvSnxHI/AAAAAAAAQAY/zRVZbPWaens/s1600/byalexanderschwabeb.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="400" src="https://2.bp.blogspot.com/-8J1K4k_t7us/SiVKlvSnxHI/AAAAAAAAQAY/zRVZbPWaens/s400/byalexanderschwabeb.jpg" width="317" /></a></div>
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<i><b>Nicholas I (Nikolai I Pavlovich; 6 July [O.S. 25 June] 1796
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He was also the King of Poland and Grand Duke of Finland. He is best
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policies, a corrupt bureaucracy, and frequent wars that culminated in Russia's
disastrous defeat in the Crimean War of 1853-56. His biographer Nicholas
Riasanovsky says that Nicholas displayed determination, singleness of purpose,
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hard work. He saw himself as a soldier – a junior officer totally consumed by
spit and polish. A handsome man, he was highly nervous and aggressive. Trained
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Because of the success of revolutionary resistance, Franz
Joseph had to ask for help from the "gendarme of Europe" Czar
Nicholas I of Russia in March 1849. Russian armies, composed of about 8,000
soldiers, invaded Transylvania on 7 April 1848. But as they crossed the
Southern Carpathian mountain passes (along the border of Transylvania and
Wallachia), they were met by a large Hungarian revolutionary army led by Józef
Bem, a Polish-born General.</div>
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Bem had been a participant in the Polish insurrection of
1830 – 1831, had been involved in the uprising in Vienna in 1848 and, finally,
became one of the top army commanders for the Hungarian Republic from 1848 –
1849. When he encountered the Russians, Bem defeated them and forced them back
out of the towns of Hermannstadt (now Sibiu, Romania) and Kronstadt (now Brașov)
in Transylvania, back over the Southern Carpathian Mountains through the
Roterturm Pass into Wallachia. Only 2,000 Russian soldiers made it out of
Transylvania back into Wallachia, the other 6,000 troops being killed or
captured by the Hungarian Army. After securing all of Transylvania, Bem moved
his 30,000–40,000-man Hungarian army against Austrian forces in the northern
Banat capturing the city of Temesvár (now Timişoara, Romania).</div>
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In June 1849 Russian and Austrian troops entered Hungary
heavily outnumbering the Hungarian army. After all appeals to other European
states failed, Kossuth abdicated on August 11, 1849 in favour of Artúr Görgey,
who he thought was the only general who was capable of saving the nation.
However, in May 1849, Czar Nicholas I pledged to redouble his efforts against
the Hungarian Government. He and Emperor Franz Joseph started to regather and
rearm an army to be commanded by Anton Vogl, the Austrian
lieutenant-field-marshal who had actively participated in the suppression of the
national liberation movement in Galacia in 1848. But even at this stage Vogl
was occupied trying to stop another revolutionary uprising in Galacia. The Czar
was also preparing to send 30,000 Russian soldiers back over the Eastern
Carpathian Mountains from Poland. Austria held Galacia and moved into Hungary,
independent of Vogl's forces. On August 13, after several bitter defeats in a
hopeless situation, Görgey signed a surrender at Világos (now Şiria, Romania)
to the Russians, who handed the army over to the Austrians.</div>
Mitch Williamsonhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14692138354674511017noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8998776328375464624.post-76133790663731883832014-10-21T19:38:00.003+08:002014-10-21T19:41:45.983+08:00The Lost War of Hungarian Independence, 1849 I<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="http://2.bp.blogspot.com/-_bEaej2tTP4/VEZFm9qeSPI/AAAAAAAAoBU/hGP0fdeYOL4/s1600/Skirmish_during_Hungarian_Revolution_1848-1849.PNG" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" src="http://2.bp.blogspot.com/-_bEaej2tTP4/VEZFm9qeSPI/AAAAAAAAoBU/hGP0fdeYOL4/s1600/Skirmish_during_Hungarian_Revolution_1848-1849.PNG" height="291" width="400" /></a></div>
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Austrian cavalry charge on Hungarian border outpost</i></b></div>
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In the spring of 1848 Vienna and Budapest were still in the
grip of the same revolutionary fever. Eyewitnesses describe the enthusiastic
reception given by Vienna to the noble gentlemen arriving by steamboat from
Pressburg on 15 March. They were resplendent in their Hungarian dress uniforms,
with richly decorated swords and egret feathers adorning their caps, and only
Kossuth appeared as always in his simple black national dress. The delegation
brought along the text of the pre-formulated Address to the Throne. The scene
was described by an eyewitness as follows:</div>
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In this hour of jubilation the fiery Hungarians, with
Kossuth and Batthyány in the lead, also arrived in Vienna… The jubilation that
broke forth is almost indescribable. Endless shouts of “éljen!” [hurrah]. The
national flag fluttered in the air, and while kerchiefs are waving, garlands
and flowers flying from all the windows in the Jägerzeile and the city, the carriages
slowly proceed along the streets… The next goal of the procession was the
University, where a stirring speech by Kossuth, the brandishing of sabres and a
chorus of acclaim celebrated the joyful avowal of friendship, and raised the
hope that all barriers between Austria’s peoples had fallen and a firm moral
alliance would unite them in the future.</div>
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On the morning of 17 March the Emperor-King Ferdinand
assented to Count Lajos Batthyány forming a Hungarian government, as well as
the appointment of Archduke Stefan as his plenipotentiary, and promised to
approve every law passed by the Diet under the direction of the palatine. Apart
from later complications and still open questions, the Hungarian reformers had
achieved this success without bloodshed and, what is more, not through the
Monarchy’s disintegration but in the spirit of independence already recognized
in 1791. The King granted Hungary not only a constitution but also the right of
unification with Transylvania, sovereignty over Croatia-Slavonia and the
re-incorporation of the Military Border.</div>
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Within a few weeks the Hungarians had won a great victory.
Even Széchenyi admitted in a confidential letter of 17 March: “Kossuth staked
everything on one card, and has already won as much for the nation as my policy
could have produced over perhaps twenty years.” According to the new
constitution, Hungarian became the official language of the unified state;
comprehensive liberal reforms were introduced and a constitutional government
was appointed, answerable to a representative body that would soon be elected.
After the electoral reform 7–9 per cent of the population received the
franchise instead of the earlier 1.6–1.7 per cent. Considering that even after
the 1832 Reform Bill only 4 per cent of the population of England had voting
rights, the Hungarian achievement was remarkable.</div>
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Whether out of idealism or, as in Poland, fear of peasant
uprisings or for a variety of other possible reasons, the nobility waived their
rights of tax exemption, and agreed to the abolition of feudal dues and
services. Thirty-one laws were worked out in feverish haste, which were
supposed to transform the feudal Estate-based state into a Western-style
parliamentary democracy. Hungary was also granted the right to an independent
financial administration, a Foreign Ministry and its own Minister of War.</div>
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The new Prime Minister, Count Batthyány, one of the
country’s greatest landowners, was an eminent statesman, even if too moderate
for the Pest radicals and too progressive for Viennese court circles. Kossuth
became Minister of Finance; Széchenyi Minister for Public Works and Transport
(“They will hang me together with Kossuth”, he wrote in his diary); Baron
József Eötvös, the writer and enlightened humanist, Minister for Culture and
Education; Bertalan Szemere Minister of the Interior (later Prime Minister);
and the respected liberal politician Ferenc Deák Minister of Justice. Hungary’s
first constitutional government consisted of four aristocrats and five
representatives of the lesser nobility—all of them rich apart from Kossuth. The
Foreign Minister, the conservative Prince Esterházy, the richest man in the
country, was seen as an extension of the Court; he wanted to neutralize
Kossuth, “that deadly poison”.</div>
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<br /></div>
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Many questions regarding Hungary’s relationship to the
Habsburg Monarchy remained open, such as agreement on the functions of the two
Foreign Ministries and the military authorities. Nonetheless, Batthyány’s
government prepared the way for an impressive surge of economic and cultural development,
liberated the peasants, and at the same time guaranteed the nobility’s economic
survival. The insurrectionist tendencies of workers and peasants were subdued,
as was anti-Semitic rioting. Despite many and increasing tensions, a new and
viable parliament was duly elected, in which the followers of the reform
movement gained the majority. Kossuth proved his extraordinary abilities as a
resolute and conscientious Minister for Finance: under adverse and confusing
conditions he managed to conjure up an independent fiscal administration out of
nothing. His political influence went far beyond his nominal position, not
least because from July he had his own newspaper and from time to time acted as
“leader of the Opposition within the government”.</div>
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The fateful questions of the Hungarian Revolution were the
tense relationships with Austria, Croatia and the most important non-Magyar
ethnic groups, such as the Romanians, Serbs and Slovaks. The Hungarians had
always fought against the centralizing efforts of the Court and the Austrian
government, but their own centralizing steps now elicited similar resistance
from the Slavs and Romanians. In contrast to the representatives of national
romanticism. Hungarian historians of our time, such as Domokos Kosáry, emphasize
that the radicalization of these nationalities was not the result of Vienna’s
policies, Pan-Slavism or rabble-rousing foreign agents. These ethnic groups, in
their own social and political development, had reached a similar level of
national feeling and national assertion as the Hungarians, but Kossuth and most
of the authoritative Hungarian politicians were unwilling to accept their
demands. Their principal aim was to secure the territorial unity of the lands
of the crown of St Stephen, not their disintegration; moreover, many Hungarians
lived in the territories claimed by the nationalities, and if they relinquished
them, they would come under foreign dominance. Even the most progressive and
revolutionary Hungarians believed so strongly in the efficacy of social reforms
and the attraction of newly-won freedom that they feared no serious
complications.</div>
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The culpability of the Viennese government lay in its
exploitation of the national disagreements to its own advantage, using the
Serbs and Croats supported by Belgrade—then still the capital of an autonomous
principality within the Ottoman Empire—to provoke an armed conflict with
Budapest. The Court wanted from the first to reverse the Hungarian reforms,
which they regarded as a threat to the Monarchy’s unity. It was totally
unimportant to Vienna whether one ethnic group or another achieved what it
wanted; all that mattered was to gain allies against the Hungarians. That is
why the representatives of the nationalities were so disappointed after the
defeat of the Revolution. A Croat allegedly remarked later to a Magyar: “What
you are getting as punishment we are getting as a reward.”</div>
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One of the most conspicuous characteristics of the
Revolution and the War of Independence was the confusion in the army, as well
as among the aristocracy and lower strata of the nobility. It tends to be
forgotten that the Hungary of the time had three times the area of today’s
republic, and the Magyars were less than 40 per cent of the population. The
ethnic groups were already demanding autonomy and self-administration in the
spring of 1848, partly—as with the Croats—within Hungary, and partly within the
framework of the House of Habsburg.</div>
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The Serbs in Southern Hungary, supported by the principality
of Serbia, made territorial demands, and unleashed an open revolt against the
Buda-Pest government with the help of 10,000 armed “irregulars” in the service
of the Belgrade government, who attacked Hungarian, German and Romanian
settlements indiscriminately. Two-thirds of the Hungarian infantry regiments
were serving abroad, and of the twelve hussar regiments only half were
stationed in Hungary. The Batthyány government requested support from
Imperial-Royal regulars to supplement units of the newly-created Hungarian
National Guard. It turned out later, however, that the Serb border guards were
led by Habsburg officers, flying Imperial-Royal flags. Habsburg units were now
fighting each other. In his much-quoted book on the Hungarian Revolution István
Deák gave a few graphic examples of the problem of distinguishing between
friendly and enemy soldiers and units, and of the moral dilemma facing the
Imperial-Royal officers. The following befell Colonel Baron Friedrich von
Blomberg:</div>
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In the summer of 1848 a Habsburg army colonel named
Blomberg—a German national at the head of a regiment of Polish lancers—was
stationed in the Banat, a rich territory in southern Hungary inhabited by
Germans, Magyars, Orthodox and Catholic Serbs, Romanians and Bulgarians. </div>
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Confronted by the threat of an attack from Serbian rebels, Blomberg turned to
his commanding general for further instructions. The commander, a Habsburg
general of Croatian nationality though not very favourably disposed to the
Budapest government, instructed the colonel to fight the Grenzer, and the foreign
volunteers. The local Hungarian government commissioner, who happened to be a
Serb, issued an identical order. Blomberg fought successfully, but when the
leader of the Serbian rebels, a Habsburg army colonel of German-Austrian
nationality, reminded Blomberg of his duty to the Emperor and not to the King
(the two, of course were one and the same person), Blomberg ordered his Poles
out of the region, leaving his German co-nationals, who happened to be loyal to
the Hungarians, to the tender mercies of the Serbs. Totally uncertain, Blomberg
now turned to the Austrian Minister of War, writing in a letter: “Have pity on
us, Your Excellency, in our predicament; recall us from this place of
uncertainty. We can no longer bear this terrible dilemma.” But Blomberg was not
recalled because his regiment, so the Austrian Minister of War reminded him in
his reply, was under Hungarian sovereignty. Blomberg was advised instead to
“listen to his conscience”. The territory formerly under his protection was
occupied by the Serbs, not without violence and plundering, yet it was twice
liberated by Hungarians, first under the command of a Habsburg officer of Serb
nationality and later by a Polish general.</div>
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Deák adds as a typical footnote that both Blomberg and his
onetime opponent on the Serb side became generals in the Habsburg army, while
the Hungarian government representative and the Polish General Józef Bem went
into exile at the end of the war, and the Hungarian commander of Serb
nationality, General János Damjanich, was hanged by the Austrians.</div>
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The strongest organized military resistance against the
Hungarian Revolution came from the Croats. Their spokesman was Josip
Jelačić—who had been promoted shortly before from colonel to general and
appointed ban of Croatia—a Croat patriot, deeply loyal to the Emperor and a
rabid hater of the Hungarians.</div>
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Separation from Austria and the deposing of the dynasty was
not at all on the agenda until the autumn of 1848. Thus it was in the interest
of the so-called “Camarilla”, the reactionary Court party and the high military
in Vienna, with Jelačić as their most important and determined tool, to create
an unholy confusion by their intrigues among the officer corps and the simple
soldiers. Immediately after his appointment the new ban refused to comply with
the orders of the Hungarian Prime Minister and the Minister of War. The latter,
Colonel Lázár Mészáros, was not even in Buda-Pest at the time but fighting in
Italy under Field-Marshal Radetzky in the Emperor’s service, and could not take
up his post until May because Radetzky did not want him to leave Italy. In the
mean time, with the agreement of the Emperor, the Hungarians declared Jelačić a
rebel, and on the urging of the Buda-Pest government relieved him of all his
posts. Barely three months later the Croat general was again on top—as the
spearhead of the Austrian attack.</div>
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The course of that critical summer demonstrates how complex
and confusing the Hungarian War of Independence was for the participants on
both sides. The resolutions of the newly-elected parliament in Buda-Pest such
as creating a separate (honvéd) army, a separate national budget and issuing
banknotes were a provocation to the Imperial government.</div>
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On 11 July 1848 Lajos Kossuth, nominally “only” Minister of
Finance, gave the most significant speech in Hungarian history. He was ill with
fever and had to be supported as he mounted the dais in the Parliament at
Buda-Pest; and when he left it around mid-day all the deputies jumped
enthusiastically to their feet. In a voice which was at first a whisper but
soon rose to its full strength, he spoke about Croatia, the Serbs, the Russian
menace, and relations with Austria, England, France and the new German state.
All his arguments were directed at just one end: that Parliament should vote a
credit of 42 million gulden for the establishment of a 200,000-man national
army. Kossuth pulled out all the stops, and witnesses regarded the speech as a
masterpiece of rhetoric.</div>
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“Gentlemen! (Calls of ‘Sit down!’ to which he answered Only
when I get tired.’) As I mount the rostrum to demand that you will save the
country, the momentous nature [of this moment] weighs fearfully upon me. I feel
as if God had handed me a trumpet to awaken the dead, so that those who are
sinners and weaklings sink to eternal death, but those with any vital spark
left in them may rise up for eternity! Thus at this moment the fate of the
nation is in the balance. With your vote on the motion. I am placing before
your God has confided to you the power to decide the life or death of the
nation. You will decide. Because this moment is so awe-inspiring I shall not
resort to weapons of rhetoric… Gentlemen, our Fatherland is in danger!”</div>
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In his oration Kossuth depicted the Serb and Croat danger
and the dynasty’s underhand attitude (with ironic asides about the “collision”
between the Austrian Emperor and Hungarian King combined in the same person),
to heighten the impression of Hungary’s isolation in the Europe of the day. He
spoke of England, which would support the Magyars only if it was in its
interest. Kossuth then expressed his “deepest empathy” with the trailblazers of
freedom, but he did not wish to see Hungary’s fate dependent on protection from
France: “Poland too relied on French sympathy and that sympathy was probably
real, yet Poland no longer exists!”</div>
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Finally Kossuth spoke of relations with the German
Confederation. The Hungarians, still harbouring illusions, sent two politicians
to the Frankfurt Assembly. They hoped that Austria would join the German
Confederation, believing that in that case the Pragmatic Sanction of 1722–3
would become null and void, and Austria-Hungary could then settle its own fate.
The King would reside in Buda and an independent Hungarian monarchy could be
preserved. According to Hungarian sources, as late as May even the Austrians
believed in a German-Austrian-Hungarian alliance against the Slavs. Be that as
it may, Kossuth made no bones about the importance he attached to an alliance
with Germany:</div>
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“I say openly that I feel this is a natural truth: that the
Hungarian nation is destined to live in a close and friendly relationship with
the free German nation, and the German nation is destined to do the same with
the free Hungarian nation, united to watch over the civilization of the East… But
because the Frankfurt Assembly was still experiencing birth-pangs, and nobody
had yet developed the form in which negotiations could have been brought to a
conclusion—and this could happen only with the ministry formed after the
election of the Regent—one of our delegates is still there to seize the first
moment when somebody is available with whom one can get into official contact
to start negotiations about the amicable alliance which should exist between
ourselves and Germany—but in a way that does not require us to deviate even by
an inch from our independence and our national liberty.”</div>
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After the frenzied applause at the end of the speech, with
which his request for the necessary funds was answered (“We shall give it!” the
deputies shouted, rising to their feet), the weary Kossuth, moved to tears,
concluded:</div>
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“This is my request! You have risen as one man, and I
prostrate myself before the nation’s greatness. If your energy in execution
equals the patriotism with which you have made this offer, I am bold enough to
say that even the gates of hell shall not prevail against Hungary!”</div>
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Despite Kossuth’s pessimistic assessment of the European
situation and the ebbing of the revolutionary tide from France to Poland, the
radical Left put the government under pressure. It should, first and foremost,
refuse the King’s request to provide 40,000 recruits from Hungary to suppress
the Italian war of independence. The cabinet was split, and the differences
between the moderate Batthyány and the energetic and determined Kossuth became
increasingly sharp and undisguised. Vacillation over the question of the
recruits further fanned the flames of conflict with the dynasty—for which,
meanwhile, the situation had vastly improved. In Prague Field-Marshal
Windisch-Graetz had defeated a revolt by the Czechs. Hungarian politicians did
not recognize—or, if they did, it was too late—the psychological and political
significance of the ageing Field-Marshal Radetzky’s victory at Custozza over
the Piedmontese army and the effect the re-conquest of Lombardy would have on
Austrian morale.</div>
Mitch Williamsonhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14692138354674511017noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8998776328375464624.post-5723098502289046802014-10-21T19:34:00.002+08:002014-10-21T19:40:30.233+08:00The Lost War of Hungarian Independence, 1849 II<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="http://2.bp.blogspot.com/-6qOgUwSfF08/VEZEsAWBStI/AAAAAAAAoBM/jj2p7MRWcRg/s1600/Than_tapiobicskei_utk%C3%B6zet2_1849_aprilis_4.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" src="http://2.bp.blogspot.com/-6qOgUwSfF08/VEZEsAWBStI/AAAAAAAAoBM/jj2p7MRWcRg/s1600/Than_tapiobicskei_utk%C3%B6zet2_1849_aprilis_4.jpg" height="280" width="400" /></a></div>
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Battle at Tápióbicske (4 April 1849) by Mór Than</i></b></div>
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The die was cast on 11 September 1848, when 50,000 Croat
soldiers, border guards and national guardsmen entered Hungary led by General
Jelačić, whom the Emperor had reinstated the previous week. They crossed the
river Dráva and advanced towards Budapest flying black and yellow flags,
covertly encouraged by members of the court and the Viennese Minister of War.
In this war Habsburg generals were leading troops against Habsburg generals,
or—as the Hungarian aristocrat Count Majláth aptly described the confused
situation in the summer of 1848—“the King of Hungary had declared war on the
King of Croatia while the Emperor of Austria remained neutral, and these three
monarchs were one and the same person.”</div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
In these days Kossuth made a round-trip across the Great Hungarian
Plain which had immense political and psychological importance. He addressed
crowds in settlements and villages, and recruited thousands of volunteers for
the honvéd army. This tour was a unique experience in the lives of the
peasants, as is amply reflected in Hungarian literature and art. No one else
for a century held such powerful appeal for the dour and suspicious people of
the Puszta. Almost every community of any size named a street after Kossuth or
erected a monument to him. He lives on in folksong to this day:</div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Lajos Kossuth—golden
lamb,</i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Golden letters on his
back;</i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Whoever is able to
read them,</i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Can become his son.</i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Lajos Kossuth is a
writer</i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Who needs no
lamplight.</i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">He can write his
letter</i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">In the soft glow of
starlight.</i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
During the September days Kossuth was already playing a
leading role in every particular. He managed to obtain the House’s consent for
the election of a small permanent committee to assist the Prime Minister; this
soon became the National Defence Committee, which on 8 October took over the
government under the leadership of Kossuth as its newly-elected President.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
The court no longer regarded the government as Hungary’s
legitimate representative, and appointed Field-Marshal Count Ferenc Lamberg, a
moderate Hungarian magnate, as royal commissioner and commander-in-chief of all
armed forces in Hungary. Simultaneously, a little-known politician was
entrusted with forming a new government in place of Batthyány’s. Meanwhile the
palatine as well as Batthyány resigned. Lamberg’s appointment, not endorsed by
the acting Prime Minister, caused general indignation, and shortly after his
arrival from Vienna, in broad daylight, the “traitor” was dragged from his
carriage by an enraged mob and lynched.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
King Ferdinand immediately dissolved the National Assembly,
declared a state of siege, and appointed General Jelačić royal plenipotentiary
and commander-in-chief. However, Jelačić could not assume the absolute powers
conferred on him because on 29 September his army was beaten by a Hungarian
unit at Pákozd near Pest, and his troops were now marching not towards
Pest-Buda but in the opposite direction. Just over a week later the Second
Croatian Army suffered a shattering defeat at Ozora south of Lake Balaton. Both
victories, which temporarily saved the capital and the Revolution, were
celebrated in poetry and drama.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
Several days later, again on Kossuth’s recommendation,
Parliament declared the royal manifesto null and void. Open war between Hungary
and Austria was now inevitable. On that day Kossuth’s reign began: between
September 1848 and April 1849, as president of the National Defence Committee,
he became de facto “temporary dictator dependent on parliament”, i.e. for the
duration of the crisis. </div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
Kossuth was not only the political leader, but also the
inspiration, the organizer and the chief propagandist of the fight. That the
Revolution was carried through into a War of Independence and that the nation
chose the road of armed resistance, was doubtless due in the first place to the
charismatic aura of this veritable tribune of the people. Much has been written
by historians and former associates about his negative traits: his jealousy and
vanity, coldness and egotism, his inability to put himself in the place of
opponents, and lack of understanding of the concerns of the nationalities. His
illusions about foreign politics are perhaps best explained by the fact that
until 1849 he had never set foot anywhere west of Vienna. Of his generals he
encouraged incompetent ones and persecuted Artúr Görgey, the most gifted; he
drove them into battle when all hope of winning the war has gone.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
Why then did people forgive Kossuth everything? He was the
liberator personified; he was the one who did away with the last vestiges of
feudalism, freed the peasants, emancipated the Jews, promoted industry. But
above all he embodied—not only for his compatriots—the concept of independence.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
The Vienna October Revolution was a turning-point in
Austrian history, with far-reaching consequences for Hungary’s future as well.
The rising of workers and students broke out on 6 October. The spark that
ignited the tinderbox of accumulated discontent was the mutiny of a Grenadier
battalion of the Viennese garrison, which the Minister of War, Latour, wanted
to send to the aid of Jelačić in Hungary. Latour himself was attacked and
lynched in the Ministry building and his mangled corpse was strung up on a
lamppost. The Emperor, the Court and the highest officials fled to Olmütz in
Moravia.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
The appeal by the revolutionary German poet Ferdinand Freiligrath
in his poem “Wien” (Vienna) to the Germans to rise up was just as futile as the
hope that the Hungarian revolutionary troops would succeed in relieving Vienna
from the besieging Imperial troops. The Austrian-Croatian Imperial Army
defeated the somewhat reluctantly advancing small Hungarian force at Schwechat.
On 31 October Field-Marshal Windisch-Graetz marched into Vienna, drowned the
uprising in a bloodbath, and set up a military dictatorship which lasted till
1853. The Polish revolutionary General Józef Bem managed to flee, but First
Lieutenant Messenhauser who had refused to turn his guns against the people,
was executed together with a number of radicals, among them Robert Blum, a deputy
of the Frankfurt Assembly.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
Both sides now armed for war. Austria had gained a new prime
minister in the person of the diplomat and general Prince Felix Schwarzenberg,
incidentally brother-in-law of the ambitious Windisch-Graetz: he was, in Robert
A. Kann’s assessment, “an adventurer and political gambler”. Radetzky
controlled Northern Italy and Windisch-Graetz became commander-in-chief of the
impending campaign against the Hungarian rebels.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
Schwarzenberg, together with Archduchess Sophie, succeeded
in persuading Emperor Ferdinand to abdicate in favour of Archduke Franz, his
eighteen-year-old nephew and the Archduchess’s son. The change of rulers took
place on 2 December 1848. The arrogant and imperialistic Schwarzenberg
(Széchenyi called him a “cold-blooded vampire”) was determined once and for all
to downgrade Hungary to the level of a province. The new Emperor, who added to
his name that of Joseph to signify his recognition of enlightened
“Josephinismus”, relied on Schwarzenberg as he did on none of his subsequent
advisers. The consequences of this reliance were more than questionable: thus,
for example, the forcible dissolution of the Austrian Reichstag at Kremsier and
the arrest of several deputies in March 1849.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
Meanwhile the Magyars refused in mid-December to recognize
the new Emperor as their king, because he had not been crowned with the Crown
of St Stephen and did not feel bound by the royal oath of his predecessors.
Kossuth had not intended this conclusive break, but probably welcomed it.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
In December Austrian troops attacked Hungary from all sides.
A peace mission to Vienna of moderate Hungarian politicians, among them the
former Prime Minister Batthyány and the Minister of Justice Deák, failed;
Windisch-Graetz refused even to receive them. The Hungarians were fenced in
from all sides. Parts of the Austrian army under General Schlick attacked from
Galicia in the north, and in the south-west the Romanians and Saxons joined the
offensive. The Serbs advanced from the south, the Croats approached across the
Dráva and the Danube, and Windisch-Graetz struck from the west. They occupied
Buda-Pest in January 1849, and Kossuth fled with the deputies and
officials—altogether about 2,000—to Debrecen, 220 km. to the east. The
provisional capital was no more than a giant village, with only a single doctor
in private practice, but as a centre of Calvinism it counted not only as the
most distant town from the attacking Austrian army, but also as a symbol of
resistance to the Catholic Habsburgs.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
By the end of 1848 all appeared lost for the Magyars; the
Austrians believed they had throttled the Hungarian Revolution “as in the coils
of a boa-constrictor”, as Friedrich Engels wrote in the Neue Rheinische
Zeitung. Yet the Hungarians fought on with ever-increasing ferocity, though
with varying success. Windisch-Graetz proved a rather ineffective commander,
and fell victim to his own vanity as well as to the tactical superiority of the
Hungarian revolutionary generals. After a strategically unimportant victory at
Kápolna, to the east of Buda-Pest, over troops led by the Polish General Henryk
Dembinski, Windisch-Graetz believed that the Hungarians had been finally
beaten, and in a report to the Court, which was still at Olmütz, announced his
imminent entry into Debrecen. This ill-considered move led to the abovementioned
imposed constitution of 4 March, which gave the resisting Hungarians an
enormous psychological boost to their by now victorious military campaign
against Austria.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
On 14 April 1849 the Hungarians replied to the proclamation
of the octroied (granted) constitution, which eliminated Hungary’s ancient
rights and denied it Croatia-Slavonia, Dalmatia and Transylvania, with a
psychologically understandable but politically unwise “Declaration of
Independence”. In it the parliament in the great Calvinist church at Debrecen
proclaimed the dethronement of the House of Habsburg-Lorraine, Kossuth was
unanimously elected provisional Head of State with the title of
“Governor-President” and Bertalan Szemere Minister of the Interior.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
Hungary was isolated, yet its army fought on with such
success that many people spoke of a “springtime miracle”. One of the
revolutionaries’ principal demands was the creation of a national army with
Hungarian as the language of command. Commands, however, still had to be
drafted and conveyed in German, because many of the key officers did not
understand a word of Hungarian. One of Kossuth’s most devoted associates was
the Englishman General Richard Guyon, who had been a first lieutenant in a
Hungarian hussar regiment before the Revolution and who, having a Hungarian
wife, had become an ardent Magyar patriot. Another of the numerous foreign
professional officers was General Count Karl Leiningen-Westerburg, a member of
the Hessian ruling house and related to the Coburgs and hence the English royal
house; through marriage and predilection he also became Hungarian.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
In the autumn of 1849 close on 50,000 members of the
Imperial-Royal army were fighting on the Hungarian side, including about 1,500
professional officers. These regular units were not integrated into the new
honvéd army; the soldiers kept their uniforms, leading to tragicomic
misunderstandings, since it was often impossible to differentiate between
friend and foe. The bugle and drum signals, the drill and, as already mentioned,
the language of command remained the same. At least 1,000 officers or
approximately 10 per cent of the Habsburg officer corps decided in favour of
the Hungarian cause. </div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
The military historian Gábor Bona estimates that of the
honvéd army’s 830 generals and staff officers 15.5 per cent were Germans, 4.2
per cent Poles and 3.6 per cent Serbs and Croats. The cosmopolitan character of
the revolutionary force was maintained from the hopeful beginning to the bitter
end of the War of Independence. Hungarians of German origin (excluding the
Transylvanian Saxons) generally stood by the Magyars, as did many Slovaks and,
without exception, the Jews who hoped for emancipation. About 3,000 Poles, many
of them officers, fought for the Magyars.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
But it was first and foremost Kossuth who, with his dynamism
and incorrigible optimism, supplied the motley army with tens of thousands of
recruits, with arms and munitions from abroad, and eventually created a war
industry out of nothing. By June 1849 Kossuth succeeded in mustering a honvéd
army of 170,000.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
At a time when the tide of revolution was receding and
reaction was being consolidated, the Hungarians’ dazzling victories in the
spring of 1849, culminating in May in the reconquest of the capital, moved all
of Europe. In Germany Karl Marx, Friedrich Engels, Heinrich Heine and Ferdinand
Freiligrath, among many others, took a deep interest. The first edition of the
Neue Rheinische Zeitung for the year opened with Freiligrath’s poem “Ungarn”,
extolling the Hungarians’ fighting spirit. The unconditional support of Marx
and Engels for the Magyars was connected with their admiration for the last
active revolutionary movement. Engels wrote in the Neue Rheinische Zeitung:
“For the first time in a very long time there is a truly revolutionary
personality, a man, who dares to take up the gauntlet of the desperate fight
for his people, who is a Danton and a Carnot combined for his nation—Lajos
Kossuth.”</div>
Mitch Williamsonhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14692138354674511017noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8998776328375464624.post-67458114293737921482014-10-21T19:31:00.000+08:002014-10-21T19:32:02.448+08:00The Lost War of Hungarian Independence, 1849 III<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="http://2.bp.blogspot.com/-kFhOdnT5jto/VEZD1BJq2EI/AAAAAAAAoBE/m-NRiEXdEDs/s1600/Capitulaton_of_Hungarian_Army_at_Vil%C3%A1gos_1849.png" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" src="http://2.bp.blogspot.com/-kFhOdnT5jto/VEZD1BJq2EI/AAAAAAAAoBE/m-NRiEXdEDs/s1600/Capitulaton_of_Hungarian_Army_at_Vil%C3%A1gos_1849.png" height="298" width="400" /></a></div>
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mso-para-margin-left:0in;
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Capitulation of Hungarian Army at Világos 1849</i></b></div>
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While the Hungarians were still retreating in the autumn of
1848, Engels wanted to mobilize the public in his newspaper in order to protect
“the greatest man of the year 1848”. In April 1849 he already praised the
Magyars’ “well organized and superbly led army”, calling Generals Görgey and
Bem “the most gifted commanders of our time”. At the same time Engels (as well
as Marx) expressed his contempt for the Czechs and above all the South
Slavs—the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, who were “nations lacking history”. The
Austrian South Slavs were nothing more than the “ethnic rubbish” of a
complicated “thousand-year evolution”. Since the eleventh century they had lost
“any semblance” of national independence, and were “torn tatters” dragged along
by the Germans and Magyars.</div>
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During that spring, despite the splendid victories achieved
by the Hungarian troops led by Görgey, Bem, Klapka and other talented officers,
and the liberation of all of Transylvania and most of Hungary, the inevitable
catastrophe—the intervention of Russia—was fast approaching. By March that
intervention had already been agreed upon as the Austrian government proved
unable to master the situation on its own. This was the natural consequence of
the cooperation between the Habsburgs and the Romanovs, which had become even
closer since the defeat of the Polish Revolution of 1830–1. It was thus not
Kossuth’s Declaration of Independence that had prompted the invasion.</div>
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After repeated calls for help Emperor Franz Joseph was
finally obliged to appeal to Tsar Nicholas I in an official letter—printed in
the Wiener Zeitung on 1 May 1849—for armed assistance in “the sacred struggle
against anarchy”. The Tsar replied by return, advising that he had ordered the
Viceroy of Poland, Field-Marshal Prince Ivan Paskevich, to hasten to the aid of
their Austrian comrades-in-arms. Austrian humiliation culminated in Franz
Joseph’s arrival in Warsaw, where on 21 May 1849, with a genuflection, he
kissed the hand of the Ruler of all the Russias. The young Emperor enthusiastically
reported the event to his mother:</div>
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He received me exceptionally graciously and cordially, and
at 4 o’clock I dined with him tête-à-tête. We travelled very fast, and the
Russian railways are especially outstanding for their good organization and
smooth ride. Altogether everything is so pleasantly orderly and calm here.</div>
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Hungarian and foreign historians, and in particular
contemporaries have long debated whether Russia’s intervention, so detrimental
to Austria’s prestige, was really necessary for the defeat of the Revolution.
In a report on the campaign Captain Ramming von Riedkirchen, chief of staff to
the Austrian commander, Haynau, appointed at the end of May, stated:</div>
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The question is often raised whether the Austrian state in
that situation, without Russian aid, would have been able to defeat the
Hungarian uprising, which, after its unexpected successes in the spring of
1849, grew so rapidly and became so immense. […] In order to attain a decisive
military superiority, which was also assured in all aspects of foreign
relations, the Russian armed intervention was indispensable in Hungary and
Transylvania. The mighty and imposing aid of a Russian army would inevitably
lead to success, and result in the establishment of peace in Austria and the
whole of Europe, even if Austria’s performance were less energetic and
successful.</div>
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The Austrian historian Zöllner is also of the opinion that
“the victory of the monarchical conservative forces would not have been possible
without foreign help.” Deák, on the other hand, believes that the Austrians
could have achieved victory by themselves, even though it might have taken them
longer. A breakdown of war casualties cited by him, appears to confirm his
thesis:</div>
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The Austrians kept inadequate records, the Hungarians kept
almost none. It seems that about 50,000 Hungarians died and about the same
number of Austrians. The Russian expeditionary forces lost only 543 killed in
battle and 1,670 wounded. On the other hand. Paskevichs army buried 11,028
cholera victims.</div>
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In the event Russia’s intervention sealed the fate of
Hungary. Against 194,000 Russians and 176,000 Austrians with a total of 1,200
artillery pieces, the 152,000 honvéds (according to some estimates 170,000)
with 450 field-guns did not stand a chance. Yet the fighting lasted until
August.</div>
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The Hungarians were totally isolated. Kossuth and his Prime
Minister Szemere addressed a desperate appeal to the peoples of Europe:
“Europe’s freedom will be decided on Hungarian soil. With it world freedom
loses a great country, with this nation a loyal hero.” Even Kossuth’s
emissaries in London and Paris, Count László Teleki and Ferenc Pulszky, both
with excellent social connections, could achieve nothing. As so often before
and after in Hungarian history (from 1241 to 1956), no European power lifted a
finger in the interests of the Magyars. Lord Palmerston, for example, never
wavered from his belief in the necessity of preserving the Monarchy’s
integrity. Even though in Parliament he publicly declared himself disturbed by
the Russian intervention, in a personal conversation with the Russian
ambassador in London he expressed the hope that the Tsar’s army would act
swiftly.</div>
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Paskevich, Haynau and Jelačić attacked the Hungarian units
from all sides, forcing them back into the far south-eastern corner of the
country. Until that time the deputies still held their meetings in the National
Assembly in the southern city of Szeged, and on 28 July they crowned their work
with two significant and symbolic enactments on the equality of nationalities
and the emancipation of the Jews. </div>
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The Nationalities Law was passed after
Kossuth had negotiated in July with the Romanian liberal intellectual Nicolae
Balcescu, and Serbian representatives over the possibility of reconciliation
and co-operation. Although Law VIII of 1849 reinforced Hungarian as the
official language, it also envisaged the free development of all ethnic groups:
every citizen had the right to use his own language in his dealings with the
authorities; the majority would determine the language to be used in local
administration; and primary schools would use the local language.</div>
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The bill for the emancipation of the Jews provoked no
debate. The government and deputies recognized the community as equal; it had
stood by the nation with 10,000–20,000 volunteers and numerous officers in the
honvéd army and made donations for weapons as loyally as the Christian
Hungarians. After the war the Jews paid a high price for the public avowal of
their Hungarianness; some of their leaders were arrested, and some communities
had to pay colossal fines.</div>
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In retrospect the optimism at Szeged is incomprehensible.
The government was in flight; many of the weary and depleted units were
surrounded, and some were actually in retreat. Hundreds of deputies had already
left; mighty armies were inexorably moving across the country—and yet hope
still persisted in this second temporary capital. The Prime Minister, Szemere,
spoke optimistically of the British and French governments’ “awakening”.
Kossuth declared to the assembled peasants: “The freedom of Europe will radiate
out from this city.”</div>
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Barely a fortnight later the dream was over. After defeats
at Szeged and Temesvár Kossuth abdicated and fled, disguised as the butler of a
Polish nobleman. He shaved off his distinguishing beard, changed his hairstyle
and, armed with two passports, one in the name of a Hungarian (“Tamás Udvardi”)
and an English one in the name of “James Bloomfield”, took off for Turkey. On
August 11 he had already transfered full military and civilian authority to
Görgey, the Minister of War, who—as Head of State for a day—surrendered to the
Russians at Világos near Arad with his shrunken army of eleven generals, 1,426
officers and 32,569 other ranks, with 144 field-guns and sixty battle flags. </div>
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Whether Görgey’s preference for laying down his arms before the Russians and
not the Austrians goaded the Austrians to even more appalling retribution
against the revolutionaries is a moot question. The surrender at Világos marked
the end of revolution in the Habsburg empire, which had run its course several
weeks earlier when the last German republicans capitulated to Prussia. Heinrich
Heine in Paris saw the collapse of Hungary as the final act in the drama of the
Europe-wide Revolution: “Thus fell the last bastion of freedom….” Prince
Paskevich reported to the Tsar: “Hungary lies at the feet of Your Majesty.” The
Tsar exhorted the Austrians to show clemency to the defeated rebels.</div>
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The young Emperor celebrated his nineteenth birthday at Bad
Ischl. His mother, as always, had arranged everything beautifully: there was a
large birthday cake with nineteen candles, a Tyrolean choir sang the Austrian
national anthem, and the happy young man bagged six chamois bucks. Afterwards,
however, Franz Joseph committed a grave error: as always, he needed the advice
of his implacable Prime Minister Schwarzenberg, and on 20 August the Council of
Ministers, presided over by the Emperor, determined that all the Hungarian
ringleaders, from staff officers upwards, should be court-martialled.</div>
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The retribution was entrusted to the infamous German General
Baron Ludwig von Haynau, illegitimate son of the Elector Wilhelm I of
Hesse-Kassel. He had earned himself the sobriquet “the hyena of Brescia” for
his gory deeds in Italy where, after occupying the Lombard city, he ordered the
public flogging of local insurgents, among them women, and the arrest and
execution of a priest who was dragged from the altar. In the words of the old
Field-Marshal Radetzky, “He is my best general, but he is like a razor that
should be put back into its case after use.” Feldzeugmeister Haynau worked
fast, without mercy and delighting in his assignment. “I am the man who will
restore order, I shall have hundreds shot with a clear conscience,” he wrote to
Radetzky. Originally no death penalty was to be carried out without approval
from Vienna, but the Emperor and the government finally gave in to Haynau’s
urging; it would suffice to announce the executions retrospectively.</div>
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On 6 October 1849, the anniversary of Minister of War Latour’s
murder, thirteen generals of the Hungarian revolutionary army were executed in
the fortress of Arad. A fourteenth former officer of the Imperial army was also
condemned to death as a Hungarian general, but at the last moment his sentence
was commuted to life imprisonment. The thirteen heroes of the Revolution, whose
anniversary is annually commemorated in Hungary, included a German of Austrian
origin, a German-Austrian, two Hungarian-Germans, a Croat, a Serb from the
Bánát and two Hungarians of Armenian origin. Not all the five “pure” Hungarians
were familiar with the Hungarian language. Six civilians were executed in Pest,
among them the moderate former Prime Minister of Hungary, Count Lajos
Batthyány. He had stabbed himself in the neck with a dagger smuggled into the
military prison by his sister-in-law and, although army doctors saved his life,
it was impossible to hang him and he had to be shot despite the terms of the
original sentence.</div>
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On Haynau’s orders 2,000 officers and civilian patriots were
imprisoned, and 500 former Habsburg officers, including 24 Imperial-Royal
generals, were court-martialled, and about forty officers (though no more
generals) were executed, while most of the others were condemned to years of
imprisonment in chains. The total number of executions has been estimated at
120.</div>
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In his History of the Habsburg Empire, 1526–1918 the
American historian of Austrian origin, Robert A. Kann, assessed the reprisals
thus:</div>
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To the enduring shame of the Schwarzenberg government even
the intervention of the czar for the brave Hungarian commanders was rejected…
The action of the Schwarzenberg government and its henchmen stands in contrast
to Grant’s generous attitude toward the officers of the South after the
surrender at Appomattox in the American Civil War. Schwarzenberg managed to
unite English, French, German, and even Russian feelings in common revulsion
against him and Haynau, who was publicly insulted during his subsequent
“goodwill” visits to Brussels and London.</div>
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Haynau soon became intolerable to the Court as well, and was
pensioned off in 1850. Strangely he bought an estate in Hungary and was even
outraged that the “New Landowner” (as he was caricatured in one of Jókai’s
novels) was shunned by the other landowners. He died, supposedly insane, in
1853.</div>
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The other principal character on the Imperial side, Ban
Jelačić, lived on for a few more years, but also mentally deranged. As a
disappointed Croat patriot he had given up on his cause; the Austrian
government kept only very few of the promises made to the Croats. Each
historical turning-point influenced the Jelačić myth. Thus in 1866, before the
settlement between Hungary and Croatia, an equestrian statue was erected to him
in the main square of Zagreb, pointing his index finger towards the north in
the direction of Hungary. Eighty years later, in 1947, the statue was
dismantled and the place renamed “Square of the Republic”. After the rebirth of
Croatia in 1990, the government restored the statue, this time with the index
finger pointing south, i.e. towards neither the long-forgotten Hungarian enemy
nor the new arch-enemy Serbia. The place is once again called “Ban Josipa
Jelačić square”.</div>
Mitch Williamsonhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14692138354674511017noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8998776328375464624.post-79693541728787310532012-08-31T13:33:00.000+08:002014-05-01T11:11:57.989+08:00Frederick William III <div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="http://4.bp.blogspot.com/-CcNZdPz5Xvk/UEBMevXtlHI/AAAAAAAAcCU/XAjzJjTICCs/s1600/frederick_william_iii.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="276" src="http://4.bp.blogspot.com/-CcNZdPz5Xvk/UEBMevXtlHI/AAAAAAAAcCU/XAjzJjTICCs/s400/frederick_william_iii.jpg" width="400" /></a></div>
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table.MsoNormalTable
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mso-tstyle-colband-size:0;
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mso-para-margin-top:0cm;
mso-para-margin-right:0cm;
mso-para-margin-bottom:8.0pt;
mso-para-margin-left:0cm;
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mso-pagination:widow-orphan;
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Frederick William III (1770-1840) was king of Prussia from
1797 to 1840. A weak monarch, he presided first over the near-liquidation of
the Prussian state in the Napoleonic Wars and then over its reconstruction.</div>
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Born in Potsdam on Aug. 3, 1770, Frederick William III
succeeded his father, Frederick William II, as king of Prussia in 1797. He
began his reign by sending his father’s mistresses and favorites packing, and
he let it be known that he intended to lift all existing restrictions on
religion, to abolish censorship, and to improve the condition of the peasants.
Soon, however, he retreated before the opposition of the conservative Prussian
nobility. </div>
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During the War of the Second Coalition against France,
Frederick William clung to a perilous and increasingly isolated neutrality.
When at last Prussia joined the Third Coalition, it reaped only the catastrophic
defeat of Jena (1806). In the subsequent Peace of Tilsit (1807) all of
Prussia’s Polish and western territories—roughly half its landmass—had to be
surrendered. This disaster revealed the vulnerable position of a Prussia
surrounded by more populous and powerful neighbors and thus gave impetus to the
centralizing reforms carried out by Frederick William’s ministers. These
reforms enabled Prussia to reenter the war against Napoleon in 1813. In German
history this renewal of the war is known as the War of Liberation, because of
explicit representation on the part of the Prussian government that it was
fighting to clear German soil of the foreign invader. In 1815 the Congress of
Vienna awarded certain new lands to Prussia and restored most of its lost territories.
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In spite of his numerous appeals to German patriotism and
even nationalism during the war, upon its conclusion Frederick William joined
the reactionary party that emerged during the Congress of Vienna. He refused to
honor his promise to give Prussia a constitution and ordered the arrest of
numerous liberals who had allowed themselves to be trapped into a careless
revelation of their political philosophy. The later years of his reign were
marked by undiminished reaction. The only positive achievements were the union
of the Prussian Lutheran and Calvinist churches (1817), a reflection of the
King’s growing concern with religious questions, and the establishment of a
northern German customs union (1834), a step that was to facilitate the
extension of Prussian political dominion over this area some 3 decades later.
Frederick William III died in Berlin on June 7, 1840. </div>
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;">Further Reading</b>
Frederick William III’s place in German history is examined in various works,
including K. S. Pinson, Modern Germany (1954; 2d ed. 1966); W. M. Simon, The
Failure of the Prussian Reform Movement (1955); Hajo Holborn, A History of
Modern Germany, vol. 2 (1959); and K. Epstein, The Genesis of German
Conservatism (1966).</div>
Mitch Williamsonhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14692138354674511017noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8998776328375464624.post-38147972327659100282012-08-31T13:31:00.000+08:002014-05-01T11:11:57.923+08:00Frederick William IV <br />
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Frederick William IV (1795-1861) was king of Prussia from
1840 to 1861. Perhaps the most intelligent and artistically talented Prussian
monarch, he proved to be an erratic and unreliable leader during the German
Revolution of 1848. On Oct. 15, 1795, Frederick William IV was born in Berlin,
the oldest son of Frederick William III. Educated by the preacher-statesman J.
P. F. Ancillon, he devoted most of his energies as crown prince to the ardent
study and patronage of the arts. F. K. von Savigny, F. W. J. von Schelling, K.
F. Schinkel, A. W. von Schlegel, L. Tieck, L. von Ranke, A. von Humboldt, and
other leaders of the romantic movement were among his closest friends. </div>
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Frederick William’s ascension to the throne on June 7, 1840,
was thus greeted with the expectation that he might help to realize the
liberal-national aspirations of his distinguished friends. He soon alleviated
press censorship and affirmed religious freedom for the independent Protestant
sects and Rhineland Catholics. Yet personally he was devoted more to the ideals
of the Holy Roman Empire and divine right of kings than to liberal
constitutionalism, and he disillusioned liberals by delaying the promulgation
of a constitution, which had been promised by his father. He finally yielded to
pressure in February 1847, but rather than a popularly elected body he called
only a united Landtag (diet)—a group of delegates from the traditional
provincial diets. </div>
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With the outbreak of violence in March 1848 in Berlin, the
King immediately lost his nerve and capitulated to the rebels, even to the
point of riding through the streets of Berlin under the revolutionary German
flag. But as soon as his armies had gained control again, he betrayed his
promises, dissolved the popular assembly established by the revolution, and
proclaimed a new reactionary constitution in December 1848. When the
revolutionary all-German Parliament in Frankfurt offered him the imperial
crown, he rejected it for ideological and political reasons as ‘‘unworthy.’’ A
subsequent attempt by his adviser J. von Radowitz to create a union of German
princes under Prussian leadership failed when combined pressure by Austria and
Russia forced Frederick William to capitulate at Olm<span style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">ü</span>tz (1850). </div>
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During the remaining years of his reign the King withdrew
increasingly to his artistic pursuits and left politics more and more in the
hands of the ministers of the reaction. After he suffered a stroke in October
1857 and consequent mental collapse, his brother William ruled as regent until
Frederick William’s death in Potsdam on Jan. 2, 1861. </div>
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;">Further Reading</b>
All of the major biographies of Frederick William IV are in German. The most
extensive account of his reign in English is Heinrich Treitschke, Treitschke’s
History of Germany in the Nineteenth Century, vols. 6 and 7, book 5: King
Frederick William the Fourth, 1840-1848, translated by Eden and Cedar Paul
(1919).</div>
Mitch Williamsonhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14692138354674511017noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8998776328375464624.post-15231343123775263522012-08-31T12:53:00.002+08:002014-05-01T11:11:57.886+08:00Francis Joseph<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="http://3.bp.blogspot.com/-vqcaEcrr9c4/UEBDPnGcfDI/AAAAAAAAcB8/dClYlynQiRs/s1600/franz2.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" src="http://3.bp.blogspot.com/-vqcaEcrr9c4/UEBDPnGcfDI/AAAAAAAAcB8/dClYlynQiRs/s1600/franz2.jpg" /></a></div>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="envelope return"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="footnote reference"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="annotation reference"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="line number"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="page number"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="endnote reference"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="endnote text"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="table of authorities"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="macro"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="toa heading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Bullet"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Number"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Bullet 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Bullet 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Bullet 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Bullet 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Number 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Number 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Number 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Number 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="10" QFormat="true" Name="Title"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Closing"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Signature"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="1" SemiHidden="true"
UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Default Paragraph Font"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text Indent"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Continue"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Continue 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Continue 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Continue 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Continue 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Message Header"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="11" QFormat="true" Name="Subtitle"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Salutation"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Date"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text First Indent"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text First Indent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Note Heading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text Indent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text Indent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Block Text"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Hyperlink"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="FollowedHyperlink"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="22" QFormat="true" Name="Strong"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="20" QFormat="true" Name="Emphasis"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Document Map"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Plain Text"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="E-mail Signature"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Top of Form"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Bottom of Form"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Normal (Web)"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Acronym"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Address"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Cite"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Code"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Definition"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Keyboard"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Preformatted"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Sample"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Typewriter"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Variable"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Normal Table"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="annotation subject"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="No List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Outline List 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Outline List 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Outline List 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Simple 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Simple 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Simple 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Classic 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Classic 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Classic 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Classic 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Colorful 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Colorful 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Colorful 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Columns 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Columns 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Columns 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Columns 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Columns 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 7"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 8"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 7"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 8"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table 3D effects 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table 3D effects 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table 3D effects 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Contemporary"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Elegant"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Professional"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Subtle 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Subtle 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Web 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Web 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Web 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Balloon Text"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="Table Grid"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Theme"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" Name="Placeholder Text"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="1" QFormat="true" Name="No Spacing"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" Name="Revision"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="34" QFormat="true"
Name="List Paragraph"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="29" QFormat="true" Name="Quote"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="30" QFormat="true"
Name="Intense Quote"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="19" QFormat="true"
Name="Subtle Emphasis"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="21" QFormat="true"
Name="Intense Emphasis"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="31" QFormat="true"
Name="Subtle Reference"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="32" QFormat="true"
Name="Intense Reference"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="33" QFormat="true" Name="Book Title"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="37" SemiHidden="true"
UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Bibliography"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" SemiHidden="true"
UnhideWhenUsed="true" QFormat="true" Name="TOC Heading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="41" Name="Plain Table 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="42" Name="Plain Table 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="43" Name="Plain Table 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="44" Name="Plain Table 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="45" Name="Plain Table 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="40" Name="Grid Table Light"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46" Name="Grid Table 1 Light"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51" Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52" Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 6"/>
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;">Francis Joseph, 1854</b></div>
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Francis Joseph (1830-1916) was emperor of Austria and king
of Hungary. He was the last noteworthy ruler of the Hapsburg Empire. Born on
Aug. 18, 1830, at Sch<span style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">ö</span>nbrunn (Vienna), the elder son of Archduke Francis
Charles, who was the second son of Emperor Francis I (Holy Roman emperor
Francis II), Francis Joseph (German, Franz Josef) was not in direct line of
succession. Yet, because his mentally impaired uncle Ferdinand I proved
childless, Francis was immediately viewed and educated as an heir presumptive. </div>
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Proclaimed emperor after Ferdinand’s abdication on Dec. 2,
1848, Francis Joseph began his rule by subduing a series of revolutions in his
realm. The most serious of these, the Hungarian revolution, he crushed with
Russian help. Then, after this dearly won victory, he had to reconstruct his
near-defunct empire. Begun under the aegis of a constitution (March 4, 1849),
this reconstruction continued throughout the 1850s, although in 1851
constitutionalism was replaced by a system of absolutist centralism. </div>
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Foreign-policy reverses during the 1850s, however, compelled
Francis Joseph to reconsider his position on constitutionalism. Thus there soon
ensued a period of constitutional experiments (‘‘October Diploma’’ of 1860 and
‘‘February Patent’’ of 1861) which kept the empire’s political life in a
constant state of crisis up to 1867. These crises, together with Austria’s
expulsion from Italy and Germany (1866), convinced Francis Joseph of the
necessity of coming to terms with his subjects. He opted for a compromise with
the strongest nationality, the Magyars. The result was the Austro-Hungarian
Compromise (Ausgleich) of 1867, which brought about the dualistic
reconstruction of the empire (Austria-Hungary), with both halves receiving
their own constitutional governments and internal autonomy, and their common
affairs being reduced to matters of foreign and military policy and some
finances. </div>
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Although the new political structure was much more favorable
for the evolution of political democracy and capitalism than the previous
absolutist system, it still preserved the hegemony of the earlier ruling
classes. Francis Joseph did not regard the compromise as an ideal solution, but
he fought all attempts to alter it for fear of disrupting the unity of his
empire. The weakness of this arrangement was revealed not only in the continued
rivalry between the two partners but also in the growth of German-Czech
national antagonism and extremism in Bohemia and in the increasingly bellicose
Serbian irredentism. </div>
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Having been pushed out of Italy and Germany, the empire
under Francis Joseph became increasingly active in the Balkans, which resulted
in its occupation (1878) and later annexation (1908) of Bosnia-Herzegovina.
This policy, however, soon placed Austria-Hungary on a direct collision course
with Russia, forcing Francis Joseph to seek support in Bismarckian Germany in
the form of the Dual Alliance (1879). This alliance later proved to be the
first step in the direction of the political polarization of Europe, a
polarization that, together with the nationality struggle in the Danubian and
Balkan region, was of decisive importance in the outbreak of World War I and
the dissolution of the empire. </div>
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Francis Joseph was a man of simple tastes. His political
thinking was as uncomplicated and simple as his private life. He was basically
a benevolent despot, unable to grasp the meaning and purpose of modern
ideologies and popular political institutions. At the same time he was devoted
to duty, to honor, and to the welfare of his people. Above all, he believed in
the calling and destiny of his beleaguered dynasty. His death at Sch<span style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">ö</span>nbrunn
on Nov. 21, 1916, signaled the passing of an age.</div>
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;">Further Reading</b>
The best works about Francis Joseph are the products of Austro- German
historiography. Fortunately, a number of them have also appeared in English. Of
these, Josef Redlich, Emperor Francis Joseph of Austria: A Biography (1929), is
undoubtedly the best and most readily available account. Karl Tschuppik, The
Reign of the Emperor Francis Joseph, 1848-1916 (trans. 1930), is also excellent.
Valuable, but not of the same caliber, are Albert Margutti, The Emperor Francis
Joseph and His Times (1921), and Eugene Bagger, Francis Joseph: Emperor of
Austria, King of Hungary (1927). Chester Wells Clark, Franz Joseph and
Bismarck: The Diplomacy of Austria before the War of 1866 (1934), and Charles
W. Hallberg, Franz Joseph and Napoleon III, 1852-1864 (1955), are excellent
monographs, but they deal only with certain limited aspects of Francis Joseph’s
reign. Among the popular works on the Emperor’s family and personal life is
Bertita Harding, Golden Fleece: The Story of Franz Joseph and Elizabeth of
Austria (1937).</div>
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<br />
<br />Mitch Williamsonhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14692138354674511017noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8998776328375464624.post-78943191786375167942012-07-22T18:37:00.001+08:002014-05-01T11:11:57.986+08:00Hungarian Army 1848-49<br />
There are several nationalities who fought on the Hungarian
side in this conflict. The most important of them is the Polish Legion. <br />
<img alt="" border="0" data-mce-src="http://m.blog.hu/le/lemil/image/ZigZag/Woroniecki/l%E8%8C%85gi%E8%B4%B8s3.jpg" src="http://m.blog.hu/le/lemil/image/ZigZag/Woroniecki/l%E8%8C%85gi%E8%B4%B8s3.jpg" /> <br />
<img alt="" border="0" data-mce-src="http://m.blog.hu/le/lemil/image/ZigZag/Woroniecki/l%E8%8C%85gi%E8%B4%B8s2.jpg" src="http://m.blog.hu/le/lemil/image/ZigZag/Woroniecki/l%E8%8C%85gi%E8%B4%B8s2.jpg" /> <br />
<img alt="" border="0" data-mce-src="http://www.leki17.hu/polakia/1848_49/legio_02.jpg" src="http://www.leki17.hu/polakia/1848_49/legio_02.jpg" /> <br />
Polish cavalry, infantry and officers <br />
<img alt="" border="0" data-mce-src="http://public.carnet.hr/maho/images/33.jpg" src="http://public.carnet.hr/maho/images/33.jpg" /> <br />
From left to the right: Soldier of the German Legion, the Polish Legion and a jaeger of Tyrol <br />
Here are some generals: <br />
<img alt="" border="0" data-mce-src="http://www.evangelikusmuzeum.hu/sites/evangelikusmuzeum.hu/files/Gorgey.jpg" src="http://www.evangelikusmuzeum.hu/sites/evangelikusmuzeum.hu/files/Gorgey.jpg" /> <br />
Arthur Görgey the most talented brilliant Hungarian general <br />
<img alt="" border="0" data-mce-src="http://edesszomorufuzike2.freeblog.hu/files/2010/10/1848_Damjanich.jpg" src="http://edesszomorufuzike2.freeblog.hu/files/2010/10/1848_Damjanich.jpg" /> <br />
János Damjanich who was never defeated in battle <br />
<img alt="" border="0" data-mce-src="http://mek.oszk.hu/01900/01903/html/cd7/kepek/c0361mtna819.jpg" src="http://mek.oszk.hu/01900/01903/html/cd7/kepek/c0361mtna819.jpg" /> <br />
Józef Bem the Polish commander of the Hungarian army in Transylvania <br />
<img alt="" border="0" data-mce-src="http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/7/75/Leiningen-Westerburg_K%C3%A1roly_Szamossy.jpg" src="http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/7/75/Leiningen-Westerburg_K%C3%A1roly_Szamossy.jpg" /> <br />
Karl August Graf zu Leiningen-Westerburg general of the Hungarian 3rd. corps <br />
<img alt="" border="0" data-mce-src="http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/4/48/P%C3%B6ltenberg_Ern%C5%91.jpg/444px-P%C3%B6ltenberg_Ern%C5%91.jpg" src="http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/4/48/P%C3%B6ltenberg_Ern%C5%91.jpg/444px-P%C3%B6ltenberg_Ern%C5%91.jpg" /> <br />
Ernst Ritter Poelt von Poeltenberg general of the Hungarian 7th. corps a valiant hussar<br />
<br />
<b>And finally some hussars</b> <br />
The
Habsburg Empire's army had 14 hussar regiments out of these 10 fought
in the war on the Hungarian side. In the rest 2 regiments fought in
Italy and the other two was not rallied of Hungarians but Croatians and
they fought against Hungary during the conflict. Hungary recruited four
more regiment during the war and called them honvéd hussars. I'm going
to present these 14 regiments that formed the cavalry of the Hungarian
army. <br />
<img alt="" border="0" data-mce-src="http://www.mikeczbanderium.hu/img/huszar/image001.jpg" src="http://www.mikeczbanderium.hu/img/huszar/image001.jpg" /> <br />
1st. Kaiser (Császár) Hussar Regiment <br />
<img alt="" border="0" data-mce-src="http://www.mikeczbanderium.hu/img/huszar/image002.jpg" src="http://www.mikeczbanderium.hu/img/huszar/image002.jpg" /> <br />
2nd. Hannover Hussar Regiment <br />
<img alt="" border="0" data-mce-src="http://www.mikeczbanderium.hu/img/huszar/image003.jpg" src="http://www.mikeczbanderium.hu/img/huszar/image003.jpg" /> <br />
3rd. Ferdinand Hussar Regiment <br />
<img alt="" border="0" data-mce-src="http://www.mikeczbanderium.hu/img/huszar/image004.jpg" src="http://www.mikeczbanderium.hu/img/huszar/image004.jpg" /> <br />
4th. Alexander (Sándor) Hussar Regiment <br />
<img alt="" border="0" data-mce-src="http://www.mikeczbanderium.hu/img/huszar/image006.jpg" src="http://www.mikeczbanderium.hu/img/huszar/image006.jpg" /> <br />
6th. Württemberg Hussar Regiment <br />
<img alt="" border="0" data-mce-src="http://www.mikeczbanderium.hu/img/huszar/image008.jpg" src="http://www.mikeczbanderium.hu/img/huszar/image008.jpg" /> <br />
8th. Coburg Hussar Regiment <br />
<img alt="" border="0" data-mce-src="http://www.mikeczbanderium.hu/img/huszar/image009.jpg" src="http://www.mikeczbanderium.hu/img/huszar/image009.jpg" /> <br />
9th Nicholas (Miklós) Hussar Regiment <br />
<img alt="" border="0" data-mce-src="http://www.mikeczbanderium.hu/img/huszar/image010.jpg" src="http://www.mikeczbanderium.hu/img/huszar/image010.jpg" /> <br />
10th Wilhelm (Vilmos) Hussar Regiment <br />
<img alt="" border="0" data-mce-src="http://www.mikeczbanderium.hu/img/huszar/image011.jpg" src="http://www.mikeczbanderium.hu/img/huszar/image011.jpg" /> <br />
11th Székely Huszár Regiment <br />
<img alt="" border="0" data-mce-src="http://www.mikeczbanderium.hu/img/huszar/image012.jpg" src="http://www.mikeczbanderium.hu/img/huszar/image012.jpg" /> <br />
12th Palatinus (Nádor) Hussar Regiment <br />
<img alt="" border="0" data-mce-src="http://www.festomuvesz.hu/hadnagy/kepek/hunyadihuszar_n.JPG" src="http://www.festomuvesz.hu/hadnagy/kepek/hunyadihuszar_n.JPG" /> <br />
<img alt="" border="0" data-mce-src="http://www.c3.hu/%7Ekeller/1848/Kepek/huny2.jpg" src="http://www.c3.hu/%7Ekeller/1848/Kepek/huny2.jpg" /> <br />
13th. Hunyadi Honvéd Hussar Regiment <br />
<img alt="" border="0" data-mce-src="http://w3.sopron.hu/netelkedo/5/v5/huszar3.jpg" src="http://w3.sopron.hu/netelkedo/5/v5/huszar3.jpg" /> <br />
14th Lehel Honvéd Hussar Regiment <br />
<img alt="" border="0" data-mce-src="http://erdely.ma/uploaded/images/2769554_nagy.jpg" src="http://erdely.ma/uploaded/images/2769554_nagy.jpg" /> <br />
15th Mátyás Honvéd Hussar Regiment <br />
<img alt="" border="0" data-mce-src="http://www.c3.hu/%7Ekeller/1848/Kepek/karolyi2.JPG" src="http://www.c3.hu/%7Ekeller/1848/Kepek/karolyi2.JPG" /> <br />
16th Károlyi Honvéd Hussar Regiment <br />
<img alt="" border="0" data-mce-src="http://www.aradi13.extra.hu/images/bocskai_huszar.jpg" src="http://www.aradi13.extra.hu/images/bocskai_huszar.jpg" /> <br />
17th Bocskai Honvéd Hussar Regiment<br />
18th Attila Honvéd Hussar RegimentMitch Williamsonhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14692138354674511017noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8998776328375464624.post-17947270753262010852012-02-29T17:53:00.002+08:002014-05-01T11:11:57.894+08:00Habsburg Empire - Constitutional Reform<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="http://1.bp.blogspot.com/-vfh8MJz_V_A/T031kZTMxPI/AAAAAAAAZyA/2WSYdp7XJ8Y/s1600/394px-Gyula_Graf_Andr%C3%A1ssy_-_ungarischer_Magnat.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="320" src="http://1.bp.blogspot.com/-vfh8MJz_V_A/T031kZTMxPI/AAAAAAAAZyA/2WSYdp7XJ8Y/s320/394px-Gyula_Graf_Andr%C3%A1ssy_-_ungarischer_Magnat.jpg" width="210" /></a></div>
<div style="text-align: center;">
<br /></div>
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">The Hungarian leader count Gyula
Andrássy (1823-1890) in 1870</i></b></div>
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From 1860 to 1867, constitutional reform therefore ranked
high on the political agenda. Neo-absolutist rule gave way to broader political
participation, lively public debate, and the protection of individual rights.
The most difficult aspect was the position of Hungary within the framework of
the empire. The Hungarian opposition under leaders like Ferenc Deák and Count
Gyula Andrássy negotiated the Ausgleich , or Compromise, of 1867, which
transformed the Habsburg possessions into Austria-Hungary. From 1867 to 1918,
the so-called Dual Monarchy symbolized a union of the Kingdom of Hungary and
Austria over the other kingdoms and lands of the Habsburgs; both parts shared
the person of the monarch, the King of Hungary and Emperor of Austria, and the
settlement of succession laid down in the Pragmatic Sanction of 1713–1723 was
the constitutional foundation of Austria-Hungary. According to Law XII of 1867,
approved by the Hungarian diet, Hungary also accepted a common foreign policy
and a common defense. Currency and foreign trade issues were also to be
resolved in common. After 1868, a common Austro-Hungarian army and navy formed
the Habsburg monarchy’s fighting forces, but there would also be defense forces
for Hungary and Austria. The common ministers of foreign affairs, war, and finances
and the prime ministers of Austria and Hungary would deliberate on questions of
common interest. Delegations from the parliaments in Vienna and Budapest would
discuss regularly the common ministers’ policy. The contributions of Hungary
and Austria to the budget of the common ministries had to be negotiated every
10 years. Among the common ministers, the minister of foreign affairs stood out
as minister of the Imperial and Royal House. He presided over the session of
the common ministerial council if the monarch were not present in the council.
High politics were traditionally the most prestigious aspect of government
policy, and the decision to wage war or to make peace was considered to be the
monarch’s prerogative. In the Dual Monarchy, where there was no common prime
minister or chancellor, the foreign minister served as the monarch’s most
important political advisor. </div>
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In domestic affairs, the emperor and king had to rely on the
heads of governments in Vienna and Budapest. The prime ministers of both
Austria and Hungary were appointed and dismissed by the monarch, who had to
approve any legislation, but the prime ministers nonetheless needed the backing
of a parliamentary majority to get their budgets and bills through the
legislative assemblies. Emergency legislation offered an opportunity to
circumvent unruly parliaments, especially in Austria, but only for brief
periods. In Hungary, support for the prime minister in the diet was almost
indispensable. The composition of the parliaments in Vienna and Budapest
differed significantly. Austria’s ethnic diversity was adequately reflected in
parliament, at least by comparison with the ethnically homogenous Hungarian
diet. Magyars, the Hungarian-speaking segment of the population, were
overrepresented as a consequence of restrictive electoral laws excluding the
less affluent and mostly non-Magyar Hungarian citizens. In Austria, the
electorate was gradually expanded and universal male suffrage introduced in
1907. The crown supported this democratization in the hope that nationalistic
parties with their middle-class supporters would lose clout. The Austrian crown
lands had their own parliaments and electoral rules; the administration of the
crown lands was headed by a governor, chosen by the emperor and usually drawn
from the high nobility. Within the framework of the Kingdom of Hungary, the
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On the domestic agenda, dualism and the nationality question
stood out. Whether the settlement of 1867 was sufficient to secure Hungarian
independence was hotly debated among Hungarian politicians. With the diet in
Budapest dominated by the small Hungarian-speaking elite of landowners and
bourgeoisie, social or national divisions in the parliament were less significant
than the divide between the supporters of the Ausgleich and the followers of
almost complete independence. The Liberals under the leadership of Kálmán Tisza
accepted the Compromise of 1867 as the legal basis of Hungary’s place in the
Habsburg monarchy and controlled Hungarian politics until 1890. Over the
following decade, the economic success and growing self-confidence of the
Magyar middle class fueled a significant rise in Magyar nationalism. The Independence
Party followed the tradition of the revolutionaries of 1848–1849 and put
pressure on the Hungarian government to aim for Hungary’s independence. In
1903, the conflict between Hungary and the crown escalated, when Francis Joseph
upheld the status quo of the common army in the face of attempts to establish
Hungarian as the language of command. A coalition formed around the
Independence Party was forced to give in to Francis Joseph when the king
threatened to have a general franchise bill introduced in parliament in 1905.
In the last years before World War I, István Tisza, the leader of the Hungarian
moderates, managed to rein in the opposition within the diet and became the
most influential politician in Austro-Hungarian politics. In the late 1880s, Tisza
became the first Hungarian prime minister willing to co-finance a massive
military buildup. Stability in Hungary and better cooperation between Vienna
and Budapest, however, could be achieved only by accepting Magyar dominance in
Hungary and Hungarian assertiveness in Austro-Hungarian negotiations. To
Francis Ferdinand, Francis Joseph’s nephew and heir apparent, this was
anathema. He believed that Hungary’s strong position within the Dual Monarchy
would block any sensible solution to nationality problems and would eventually
bring down the Habsburg Empire. Yet he and his supporters tried in vain to roll
back the political influence of Hungary’s elite, so when war broke out in 1914,
dualism was still one of the decisive features of the Habsburg Empire’s
political system.</div>
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FURTHER READING: Bérenger, Jean. A History of the Habsburg
Empire, 1780–1918. London: Longman, 1997; Bridge, Francis R. The Habsburg
Monarchy Among the Great Powers, 1815–1918. New York: St. Martin’s, 1990;
Cornwall, Mark, ed. The Last Years of Austria-Hungary: A Multi- National
Experiment in Early Twentieth Century Europe. Exeter: University of Exeter
Press, 2002; Evans, Richard J. W. The Making of the Habsburg Monarchy
1550–1700: An Interpretation. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1984; Ingrao, Charles.
The Habsburg Monarchy, 1618–1815. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994;
Kann, Robert A. A History of the Habsburg Empire, 1526– 1918. Berkeley:
University of California Press, 1974; Kann, Robert A. The Multinational Empire:
Nationalism and National Reform in the Habsburg Monarchy, 1848–1918. 2 vols.
New York: Octagon Books, 1964; Macartney, C. A. The Habsburg Empire, 1790–1918.
London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1968; Mason, John W. The Dissolution of the
Austro-Hungarian Empire, 1867–1918. London and New York: Longman 1985; May,
Arthur J. The Hapsburg Monarchy, 1867–1914. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University
Press, 1951; Sked, Alan. The Decline and Fall of the Habsburg Empire,
1815–1918. London: Longman, 1989; Taylor, A.J.P. The Habsburg Monarchy,
1809–1918. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1976.</div>Mitch Williamsonhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14692138354674511017noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8998776328375464624.post-60691965668879378612012-02-29T17:52:00.001+08:002014-05-01T11:11:57.962+08:00Habsburg Empire - Nationalist and Napoleonic Challenges<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
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<br /></div>
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Revolution of 1848: the barricades on Michaeler Square in the night of
May 26, 1848. Painting by A. Ziegler, 1848 (Historisches Museum der Stadt
Wien).</i></b></div>
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Without the cooperation of the traditional elites in the
various kingdoms and lands, the multi-ethnic Habsburg Empire could not be held
together. At the same time, it was the dynasty that provided the indispensable
unifying bond. Therefore nationalism and the sovereignty of the people were not
only anathema to the dynasty, but a deadly threat to the political survival of
the union of lands and crowns ruled by the Habsburgs. Since the late eighteenth
century, the Austrians sought to contain or destroy revolutionary and
nationalist movements. This policy proved costly. In the wars against
revolutionary France and Napoleon from 1789 to 1815, Austria not only lost the
Netherlands, south-western Germany, and northern Italy but, after the defeat at
Wagram in 1809, was forced to cooperate with Napoleon to avoid another armed
clash with the French emperor. The new Austrian foreign minister, Count Klemens
von Metternich, nevertheless decided to break with Napoleon and re-join the anti-Napoleonic
coalition in 1813. Together with his British counterpart, Lord Castlereagh,
Metternich worked for a lasting European settlement in 1814–1815, in the wake
of Napoleon’s final defeat. The Congress of Vienna in 1815 and the working of
the Congress system until the 1820s gave Austria more than its due share of
political influence in Europe. In terms of territory, Austria gave up its
former possessions in south-western Germany and the Netherlands. Instead,
Salzburg became Austrian and the Habsburgs kept most of the Polish territory
acquired in 1774 and 1795. In Italy, Lombardy and Venetia formed a kingdom
united with Austria. </div>
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In 1804, in response to the self-coronation of Napoleon as
Emperor of the French, Holy Roman Emperor Francis II claimed the title of
hereditary Austrian emperor. Under French pressure, Francis in effect dissolved
the Holy Roman Empire in 1806. At the Congress of Vienna in 1815, Metternich
refrained from any attempt to resurrect the Holy Roman Empire, and in the newly
created German Confederation Austria chaired the deliberations of the diet but
could not achieve much without Prussian consent. Still, through Metternich’s
skilful diplomacy, the Habsburg Empire was able to win the support of Prussia
and other German states to use the confederation as a tool to suppress liberal
and nationalistic groups in Germany. In Italy there was no equivalent of the
German Confederation, so Austria intervened militarily when revolutionary
movements threatened to destabilize the Italian states. Austrian anti-revolutionary
zeal undermined the solidarity among the Great Powers and damaged
Austro-British cooperation in the 1820s; Metternich found himself isolated when
Britain, France, and Russia fought for the independence of Greece from Turkey
in 1827. Austria refrained from a policy of territorial expansion on the Balkan
Peninsula and considered the preservation of the Ottoman Empire as
indispensable to its own survival. The Habsburg Empire thus acted as the most
clear cut case of a status quo power and annexed Kraków only to contain the
spread of Polish nationalism. Unable to establish an efficient tax-system,
however, the empire suffered from inadequate financial means to play the role
of Great Power. Overcommitted and underfinanced, Austria depended on a
favorable climate of anti-revolutionary consensus and a preference for peaceful
crisis settlement among the other Great Powers. Austria’s policy of repression,
directed against liberals and nationalists at home and abroad, collapsed in
1848. </div>
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The revolution of 1848–1849 challenged Habsburg rule in
several ways. In Vienna, a liberal government replaced Metternich, and an
assembly was summoned to deliberate and decide on a new constitution. In
Hungary, nationalists took control and were fighting for independence. In
Italy, nationalist uprisings and an attack on Piedmont-Sardinia aimed at the
expulsion of Austria from the region. With young Emperor Francis Joseph and a
conservative government under Prince Felix Schwarzenberg in charge, the Habsburgs
were able to fend off the danger. By 1850, the Habsburg rule had been restored,
as was the German Confederation. Francis Joseph’s neo-absolutist regime was
based on tradition, repression, economic progress, and prestige. During the
Crimean War (1853–56), Austria’s policy offended a Russia Empire that had
supported the Habsburgs against the Hungarian insurgency in 1849 yet did not
lead to an alliance with France and Great Britain. In 1858, the French Emperor
Napoleon III formed an alliance with Piedmont-Sardinia to expel Austria from
northern Italy. In response to Sardinian provocations, the Habsburg monarchy
went to war. Defeated by the French-Sardinian alliance in the Battles of
Magenta and Solferino, Austria was forced to cede Lombardy in 1859. The
Habsburg Empire had no choice but to watch helplessly from the sidelines as the
Italian kingdoms and principalities were swept aside by a combination of
nationalism and Sardinian power politics. The next blow to Habsburg prestige
came in the 1860s when Prussia under Prime Minister Otto von Bismarck
outmaneuvered Austrian foreign policy in the debate about a reformed German
Confederation and the future of the former Danish duchies of Schleswig and
Holstein, both occupied by Austrian and Prussian forces after the German-Danish
War of 1864. The Prussian secession from the German Confederation led in 1866
to war between Prussia and Austria and most of the other German states. The
Battle of Königgrätz ended with a clear Prussian victory and forced Francis Joseph
to accept Austria’s exclusion from Germany. Victories over Prussia’s ally Italy
in the Battles of Custoza and Lissa were of little political significance and
could not prevent the loss of Venetia. The creation of two new nation-states,
Germany and Italy, had come at the expense of the Habsburg Empire, which could
survive as a Great Power only as long as the opposition within it could be
mollified.</div>
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FURTHER READING: Bérenger, Jean. A History of the Habsburg
Empire, 1780–1918. London: Longman, 1997; Bridge, Francis R. The Habsburg
Monarchy Among the Great Powers, 1815–1918. New York: St. Martin’s, 1990;
Cornwall, Mark, ed. The Last Years of Austria-Hungary: A Multi- National
Experiment in Early Twentieth Century Europe. Exeter: University of Exeter
Press, 2002; Evans, Richard J. W. The Making of the Habsburg Monarchy
1550–1700: An Interpretation. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1984; Ingrao, Charles.
The Habsburg Monarchy, 1618–1815. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994;
Kann, Robert A. A History of the Habsburg Empire, 1526– 1918. Berkeley:
University of California Press, 1974; Kann, Robert A. The Multinational Empire:
Nationalism and National Reform in the Habsburg Monarchy, 1848–1918. 2 vols.
New York: Octagon Books, 1964; Macartney, C. A. The Habsburg Empire, 1790–1918.
London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1968; Mason, John W. The Dissolution of the
Austro-Hungarian Empire, 1867–1918. London and New York: Longman 1985; May,
Arthur J. The Hapsburg Monarchy, 1867–1914. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University
Press, 1951; Sked, Alan. The Decline and Fall of the Habsburg Empire,
1815–1918. London: Longman, 1989; Taylor, A.J.P. The Habsburg Monarchy,
1809–1918. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1976.</div>Mitch Williamsonhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14692138354674511017noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8998776328375464624.post-90061702680075354672011-12-12T20:42:00.002+08:002014-05-01T11:11:57.999+08:00Hungarian Revolution 1848-49 - Overview<!--[if gte mso 9]><xml>
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<a href="http://4.bp.blogspot.com/-nv4coOkVTnc/TuX2V8XMvbI/AAAAAAAAZVo/j-x_Mp51TYE/s1600/800px-Than_tapiobicskei_utk%25C3%25B6zet2_1849_aprilis_4.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="224" src="http://4.bp.blogspot.com/-nv4coOkVTnc/TuX2V8XMvbI/AAAAAAAAZVo/j-x_Mp51TYE/s320/800px-Than_tapiobicskei_utk%25C3%25B6zet2_1849_aprilis_4.jpg" width="320" /></a></div>
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<b><i>Battle at Tápióbicske (4 April
1849) by Mór Than</i></b></div>
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<br />
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<br />
<div class="MsoNormal">
In 1848 revolution broke out in Paris. As the news from
Paris reached Hungary, Kossuth went on the political offensive at the Pozsony
Diet with his liberal-radical program, which was soon relayed to Pest. The
Opposition Circle drafted the <span style="mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;">‘</span>demands of
the Hungarian nation,<span style="mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;">’</span> the famous Twelve Points
constituting the essence of Kossuth<span style="mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;">’</span>s program
and reflecting the ideas of the Pest radicals. The twenty-five-year-old poet S<span style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">á</span>ndor
Pet<span style="mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;">ő</span>fi, drafted the fiery <span style="mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;">‘</span>National Song,<span style="mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;">’</span> and the
next day the young revolutionaries had the poem and the Twelve Points printed
without the censor<span style="mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;">’</span>s approval. </div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
The Twelve Points expressed what the nation demanded:
freedom of the press, abolition of censorship, a cabinet of responsible
ministers and a National Assembly in Buda-Pest, equality of civic and religious
rights, equal and universal contribution to public expenses, abolition of tax
privileges, a national bank and national armed forces, freeing of political
prisoners, legal reforms, and union with Transylvania. The revolution wanted to
abolish restrictive and discriminatory laws, indeed, the entire political and
economic system. At the Pozsony Diet, conservatives in both chambers were swept
aside by Kossuth<span style="mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;">’</span>s party, a victory due partially
at least to the rumor that a peasant army led by Petőfi was set to march on the
city. </div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
At the imperial capital, the March revolution succeeded
because the government was weak and psychologically destabilized. After
Metternich<span style="mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;">’</span>s dismissal, the feeble King
Ferdinand and his court ratified the key laws of the Hungarian Diet, the ‘April
laws.<span style="mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;">’ </span>The promulgation of these laws meant
that the revolutionary achievements became legalized. A government accountable
to the assembly was to be installed, serfdom abolished, and the road to
universal suffrage opened. The main national demands had been granted. The new
Hungarian council of ministers, presided over by Count Lajos Batthyany,
included Kossuth as minister of finance and Szechenyi as minister of public
works and transport. </div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
On 11 April, the ancient diet was dissolved and replaced by
the National Assembly, elected by direct suffrage constituted by the nobles,
the bourgeoisie, and wealthy peasants. Hungary was now a constitutional
parliamentary monarchy, governed by an accountable ministry. The Habsburg emperor,
however, remained king of Hungary; Hungarian sovereignty was not
internationally recognized, and there was no foreign office in Pest. A national
currency, the forint, was soon in circulation, and a Hungarian National Guard
and army were established. Finally, following a general election, the first
National Assembly of 415 deputies, mainly from the provincial nobility, opened
on 5 July, with few radicals elected. </div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
Transylvania proclaimed reunification with Hungary, and the
issue of military frontiers under Austrian rule was also resolved. The demands
of ethnic minorities were listened to, placated, but basically refused.
Hungarian liberals of 1848 were not ready to renounce the concept of a unitary
state and to concede autonomous territories to the different nationalities.
They felt that liberating the serfs and ensuring equal civic rights to all citizens,
regardless of ethnicity or creed, would solve the minority problem. </div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
Croatia constituted a special case. It was part of the
Hungarian Crownlands, but enjoyed considerable autonomy and its own diet, while
also dependent on the authority of the civil governor designated by the king of
Hungary. Neither the ban, General Josip Jelačić, a strong national figure, nor
the more powerful section of the Croatian political class wanted to march
alongside the Magyars. Vienna initially approved Hungary’s position with regard
to the national minorities and went as far as recalling Jelačić, but quickly
restored him. The intention was to put an end to the Hungarian revolution. Victories
against the rebels in Italy and in Bohemia, and news that the Paris barricades
had fallen, had restored Austria’s confidence. </div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
The Habsburg government tried to reverse the political
concessions it had made in its moment of weakness and set about encouraging
ethnic separatism within Hungary. In the face of danger, the Buda-Pest
government hastened its own preparations for war. A national army—called
Honvédség, “defender of the Homeland”—was set up, armament and equipment
factories bought, political and social rights broadened, and patriotic
propaganda increased. “The fatherland is in danger,” a slogan launched by
Kossuth, reverberated throughout the land. His speech to the assembly led the
deputies to vote for recruiting 200,000 men and extending a sizable military
credit. </div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
On 11 September, 1848, Jelačić’s army entered Hungary.
Austria was still negotiating, but clearly Jelačić’s war was Vienna’s. After
Batthyány’s resignation, Hungary came to be governed by a Defense Committee,
which the assembly vested with all powers. It was Kossuth’s moment—his speeches
fanned the fires of patriotism and mobilized the population. </div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="http://2.bp.blogspot.com/-bVl4daZCi4A/TuX2hQhdvPI/AAAAAAAAZVw/OYlNrxV7HjU/s1600/1849frt.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="200" src="http://2.bp.blogspot.com/-bVl4daZCi4A/TuX2hQhdvPI/AAAAAAAAZVw/OYlNrxV7HjU/s320/1849frt.jpg" width="320" /></a></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
On 29 September, the Honvéd army stopped Jela<span style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">č</span>i<span style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">ć</span>
at Pákozd. After this, the monarchy dissolved parliament and replaced
Batthyány; the Hungarian Assembly declared these decisions null and void. On 6
October, the people of Vienna rebelled, forcing the court to escape to Olmütz
(Olomouc) in Moravia. Two days later, the assembly in Pest nominated Kossuth to
be president of the Defense Committee, with almost dictatorial powers. </div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
By December, Austria had a new emperor, Franz Joseph. The
eighteen-year-old emperor-king soon demonstrated his ambition to reestablish
absolute authority at all costs and without compromise. Meanwhile, the
legendary Polish general, Józef Bem, had offered his services to Hungary and
taken command of the Transylvanian army. Having won several battles, the
Austrian commander, General Windischgrätz, told the emperor that Hungarian
resistance was over. Vienna, encouraged by the news, issued a manifesto that
nullified the 1848 laws and subjected Hungary to the government in Vienna. This
caused serious dissent within Kossuth’s army and unrest in the Hungarian Peace
Party, which was opposed to the pursuit of war. Kossuth’s eloquence and his
policies won over the peasantry, inspired the army, and rallied the moderates
and the undecided—but not the entire political class. </div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
Vienna’s absolutist circles wanted to drown Hungarian
ambitions once and for all. There was little room for negotiations. Kossuth saw
only two courses of action: either to fight until victory had been achieved,
which he still thought possible, or to capitulate unconditionally. He chose the
former. On 13 April 1849, despite opposition from members of the legislature,
Kossuth proposed a Declaration of Independence of the Hungarian state and the
dethroning of the House of Habsburg-Lorraine before the National Assembly. The
bill was unanimously approved the following day at a public meeting of an
enlarged Assembly. Kossuth now had behind him not only the majority of
parliament, but also, he claimed, the loyalty of the army and popular support.
The break with Vienna and the king was now complete. </div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
Hungary was not proclaimed a republic. The constitutional
shape the Hungarian state was to take would be decided later. For the moment, Kossuth
was elected president-governor, but, contrary to the wishes of a small radical
left, the assembly did not confer full powers on him. Kossuth was more
representative of the dominant middle nobility in the assembly than of the Left
or, indeed, the opposition, which favored accommodation with Vienna. His
principal objective had been achieved. Hungary had become independent. </div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
Despite initial optimism and success, Hungary’s days of
independence were numbered. Responding to his imperial cousin’s call, Russia’s
Tsar Nicholas decided to deploy his army against the Hungarians. In June the
Russians invaded Hungary, and the Hungarians found themselves caught in a stranglehold.
Austrian and Russian superiority of forces was overwhelming. </div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
Kossuth’s government concentrated on its military effort,
while pursuing its liberal democratic policymaking. On 28 July, it emancipated
the country’s Jews, and an enlightened nationalities law was promulgated on the
same day. This legislation gave minorities the freedom to use their mother
tongue at the local administrative level, at tribunals, in primary schools, in
community life, and even within the national guard of non-Magyar councils. It
was the first law in Europe to recognize minority rights. These actions,
however, were too late to influence events in the two weeks leading up to
military defeat. </div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
After the Russian invasion, hopes of saving the country were
slim. On 9 August, General Haynau beat and dispersed the main Hungarian army. Kossuth
abdicated, transferred all powers to General Artur Görgey, and sought refuge in
Turkey. Three days later, the War Council decided to surrender to the Russians
at Világos, near the city of Arad. </div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
The war ended and repression began. The tsar sent his son to
Vienna to persuade Franz Joseph to act with clemency, but the Austrians
executed thirteen top generals along with the former president of the Council
of Ministers, Count Lajos Batthyány, and several other military and civil
individuals. Nicholas was able to save only the life of Görgey. Many were
condemned to death by war tribunals, others were simply massacred, and
thousands received long prison sentences. The poet Petőfi died two weeks before
the end, fighting with Bem<span style="mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;">’</span>s army. He
was twenty-six years old. Count Szechenyi fell into a depression in September
1848. His tortured soul found a degree of tranquillity in a psychiatric
establishment near Vienna, where he continued to write and to receive friends;
he took his own life in 1860.</div>Mitch Williamsonhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14692138354674511017noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8998776328375464624.post-1759417716334025692010-07-13T14:33:00.000+08:002014-05-01T11:11:57.892+08:00Spain 1820s<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://3.bp.blogspot.com/_KezhQ6waZT0/TDwIvb2RMII/AAAAAAAAXk8/HYy2z1j_OwM/s1600/800px-Execution_of_the_Torrijos.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="209" src="http://3.bp.blogspot.com/_KezhQ6waZT0/TDwIvb2RMII/AAAAAAAAXk8/HYy2z1j_OwM/s320/800px-Execution_of_the_Torrijos.jpg" width="320" /></a></div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
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</div><div class="MsoNormal"><i>The execution of Torrijos, by Antonio Gisbert Perez. Ferdinand VII, after his restoration as absolute monarch in 1823, took repressive measures against the liberal forces in his country.</i></div><div class="MsoNormal"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal"><i><o:p></o:p></i></div><div class="MsoNormal">The instruments of liberal revolution in Spain and Portugal were the secret societies (whose successful activities from 1815 to 1820 account for the obsessive concern of Iberian clericals with freemasonry) and the pronunciamiento, an officers' revolt based on the crude political theory that the general will of the nation, when vitiated by a monarch's evil counsellors or corrupt parliamentary institutions, was to be sought in the officer corps. The pronunciamiento was to develop a rigid form, with a consistent weakness: fear of discovery of elaborate negotiations meant that most pronunciamientos went off at half cock. This was balanced by the inefficiency of government detection and detention: Quiroga, the chosen leader in 1820, was allowed complete freedom to conspire from prison. A ramshackle despotism encouraged revolutionary irresponsibility. The early pronunciamientos in Spain and Portugal merely produced martyrs, Gomes Freire d'Andrade in Portugal and Lacy, the symbol of Catalan liberalism. Civilian support was limited though increasing, and the rank and file were indifferent to their officers' liberalism. If there was a vast masonic, civil conspiracy in 1817, it came to nothing. Why did the Cadiz revolution of 1820 succeed, led, as it was, by young officers and inexperienced civil hotheads after the higher officers and the notables of Cadiz masonry had been frightened by O'Donnell's betrayal of the 'respectable' conspiracy of 1819? What gave the revolution its strength was 'the repugnance of the rank and file against embarking for America', which, for the first time, gave sergeants and soldiers a direct interest in revolution. The British consul believed that revolt 'would die a natural death'; it triumphed through the feebleness of a government which could not collect a force to fight it. In March the revolution spread to the great towns of Saragossa, Corufia and Barcelona. General Ballesteros and O'Donnell deserted to the revolution; the king was forced to accept the constitution of 1812 (which Riego had adopted on the spur of the moment), not by the force of public opinion expressed in demonstrations in Madrid but because he had lost control of the army. <o:p></o:p></div><div class="MsoNormal"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal">The revolution of 1820-3 set the programme and procedures of Iberian liberalism and that of its enemies. In Spain, 1812 had been a dress rehearsal in exceptional circumstances; in Portugal, the revolution of 1808 had failed to materialise. The new party groupings of the 1820 revolution were permanent. Liberalism both in Spain and Portugal was divided into moderate and exalted wings. <o:p></o:p></div><div class="MsoNormal"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal">The strength of the Exaltados lay in the provincial extremism of the Juntas, which ruled Spain until June-July, and in the revolutionary army of Riego. Thus emerged the mechanism of revolution: on its military side the army coup; on its civilian side, the take-over by local Juntas whose extreme claims, particularly in Galicia and the south, constituted a federal structure where sovereign Juntas, controlling the new Urban Militia, communicated directly with each other. Though these enthusiasts had made the revolution, they did not share the definitive distribution of higher patronage. The government, composed of men of 1812, regarded the new revolutionaries as 'poor folk'. In the capital the Exaltados could produce mob pressure which may be seen less as the emergence of an underworld terror depicted by Galdos than as the ebullience of the fiesta. From the ministry's endeavour to regain control of the army and from the use of the Madrid mob by the Exaltados in defence of Riego's army dates the split in patriot unity that was to paralyse the revolution (September 1821). The Exaltados were weak in a capital of satisfied job-seekers: the government impotent in the provinces. This dualism was to define revolutionary politics until 1874. <o:p></o:p></div><div class="MsoNormal"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal">The exiles of the ministry of 'gaol birds' (March 1820) sought to control the committee stage of the revolution, enshrined in the Juntas and the clubs, and to satisfy the king by a conservative revision of the constitution of 1812. In exile, men like Martinez de la Rosa had been converted to a belief in a limited franchise, a second chamber and a strong executive. The amnestied Afrancesados, the ablest single group in politics, would have been their natural allies but for the doubtfully patriotic past which cut them off from office, leaving them the professional critics of the regime. The moderate programme could only succeed with the loyal support of the king: instead the court plotted against any constitution to the point of allying itself with the Exaltados. The great weakness of the revolution was that the constitution could not do without a king whose sole aim was to destroy it.<o:p></o:p></div>Mitch Williamsonhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14692138354674511017noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8998776328375464624.post-39126639146365326382010-07-13T14:32:00.000+08:002014-05-01T11:11:57.926+08:00Revolution in Italy 1820s Part I<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://1.bp.blogspot.com/_KezhQ6waZT0/TDwIaaomDOI/AAAAAAAAXk4/D9aQivsWTz0/s1600/6Pepe_000.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="265" src="http://1.bp.blogspot.com/_KezhQ6waZT0/TDwIaaomDOI/AAAAAAAAXk4/D9aQivsWTz0/s320/6Pepe_000.jpg" width="320" /></a></div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><i><b>General Guglielmo Pepe</b></i></div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
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<div class="MsoNormal">The revolution in Naples had military leadership. Although their interests had been safeguarded in 1815, many of Murat's officers felt that they were being unjustly discriminated against in promotion. The rivalry of Carbonari and Calderari had led almost to civil war in some regions and this focused the soldiers' sense of grievance. The lodges of the Carbonari formed a link between them and the middling landowners who ran most of the lodges. In so far as they were defined, the aims of the Carbonari were limited monarchy, administrative reform, the continuation of the assault on feudalism and the abandonment of mercantilism. Occasionally there were hints of a more active Carbonarist interest in land-reform. In 1820 the soldiers and Carbonari suddenly came together because of circumstance; in the long run this was a source of weakness but it produced the Neapolitan revolution. <o:p></o:p></div><div class="MsoNormal"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal">In Naples the repressive measures of the regime reached a climax in May and June 1820. In Spain there had been a successful revolution in January and for the moment it did not look as if the powers were going to intervene there; perhaps, then, there was reason to think they would not intervene if a rising took place in Naples. Spain was also connected with Naples through Ferdinand. He had a claim to the inheritance of the Spanish throne; to maintain his rights there he had taken an oath to maintain the 1812 constitution and, if he could do this in Spain, why could he not also swear to uphold a Neapolitan constitution? On 2 July there was a mutiny in the garrison at Nola, and the local Carbonari supported it. The garrison at Capua joined in the next day and General Guglielmo Pepe assumed the leadership of the rebels. The government soon gave in and promised a constitution on the Spanish model. A new ministry, consisting of former sympathisers with Murat, was set up, but contained no members of the Carbonari; this was important, for the lodges were the only effective popular or semipopular support available to liberals. Pepe was the only real link between the ministry and the Carbonari. <o:p></o:p></div><div class="MsoNormal"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal">It was not surprising that the Neapolitan revolution should have been followed a week later by a Sicilian separatist rising. Its disorders soon alarmed the possessing classes in the island, which was paralysed during the summer while the revolution was contained by the aristocracy and members of the corporations. The rebels were weakened by the rivalry of Palermo (where the original outbreak had taken place) with Messina, and they finally capitulated in September. When, on 1 October, the new parliament met at Naples it contained no Sicilian deputies. It supported a Carbonarist ministry deluded by the belief that Great Britain would, if necessary, intervene to protect Neapolitan constitutionalism and by confidence in Ferdinand's word. <o:p></o:p></div><div class="MsoNormal"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal">Unfortunately the attitude of Great Britain towards intervention was that it was not objectionable if Austria acted alone. After the preliminary protocol of Troppau, Ferdinand lied himself into being allowed to present the Neapolitan case to the allies and, as soon as he was safely at Genoa on a British cruiser, disavowed all his concessions. He asked formally for assistance at Laibach. The Neapolitan government had been much weakened militarily by the absence of many of their soldiers in Sicily, and morally by the split which now divided the Muratist officers from the Carbonarist politicians. General Pepe was defeated by an Austrian army which on 23 March entered the capital. The restoration had been accomplished quickly and not very bloodily. Afterwards only two liberals were executed although many went into exile. In May an amnesty was offered to all except the original mutineers. The revolution had failed because of the divisions among the revolutionaries themselves, because of the distraction of the Sicilian revolt (which gave its last kick at Messina in March 1821), because of its lack of agreed aims, because of Ferdinand's duplicity, but above all because the powers acquiesced in the use of the Austrian army against it. Had the revolution succeeded, it might have blocked the way to unification by creating a constitutional state with a particular interest in survival. By failing, it contributed powerfully to the mythology of the risorgimento and to the growing number of exiles. Above all, it clearly associated Austria with the preservation not merely of a divided Italy but of anti-liberal governments. The Austrian army remained at Naples until 1827.<o:p></o:p></div>Mitch Williamsonhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14692138354674511017noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8998776328375464624.post-48249302469683577542010-06-13T17:01:00.000+08:002014-05-01T11:11:57.955+08:001848 in Austro-Hungary<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://3.bp.blogspot.com/_KezhQ6waZT0/TBSdXh4C-PI/AAAAAAAAXUA/9YS1g5eCTFU/s1600/Capitulaton_of_Hungarian_Army_at_Vil%C3%A1gos_1849.png" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="239" src="http://3.bp.blogspot.com/_KezhQ6waZT0/TBSdXh4C-PI/AAAAAAAAXUA/9YS1g5eCTFU/s320/Capitulaton_of_Hungarian_Army_at_Vil%C3%A1gos_1849.png" width="320" /></a></div><div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;"><i>Capitulation of Hungarian Army at Világos 1849<o:p></o:p></i></div><div class="MsoNormal">In 1848, when a series of revolutions broke out across Europe, Pest, Vienna, and Prague were among the cities at the forefront of experiments with political reform. In Hungary, under the leadership of Lajos Kossuth (1802.1894), the diet rapidly proclaimed a new constitutional regime in April (the April Laws). This arrangement confirmed Hungary’s existence independent of other Habsburg territories, promised liberal rights of citizenship and enfranchisement to many more inhabitants (although not to Jews or to small property owners), and maintained full enfranchisement for any noble, no matter how poor. The Hungarian reformers postponed any significant transformation of the manorial system, a tack that pleased the broad gentry class and nobility but did little to satisfy the peasantry. Furthermore, the April Laws imposed the Magyar language on state and society, and this tended to diminish revolutionary unity, provoking opposition among leaders in Croatia and Transylvania who rejected Magyar predominance and insisted on using Latin in their communications with the government. In fact the question of defining the nation and the privileged role of the Magyar language helped to alienate many who spoke other languages and who might otherwise have sympathized with the new liberal constitutional regime. Later in 1848 and 1849 the Habsburg military carefully exploited this alienation as the dynasty struggled to reimpose control over Hungary. The dynasty’s strategy of divide and conquer ultimately provoked the Hungarian revolutionaries in turn to depose the Habsburgs and to declare full independence in April 1849. <o:p></o:p></div><div class="MsoNormal"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal">In Vienna the government collapsed in March 1848, Metternich fled, and the emperor;s advisors promised a constitutional regime with liberal franchise laws, civil rights, the abolition of censorship, and, eventually, an end to the remaining vestiges of serfdom and the manorial system (which in Galicia were considerable). Occasional outbursts of popular violence in Vienna throughout the spring continued to drive the revolution further to the left, until the court found it expedient to remove itself to the safer, more conservative city of Innsbruck. In July an Austrian parliament elected by means of an extremely generous suffrage set about writing a constitution, and it too was eventually removed to the sleepy town of Kremsier/Kroměříž. in Moravia in order to avoid the political pressures exerted by the radical crowd in the streets of Vienna. At the same time, the issue of political nationalism came to the fore in several different and often contradictory contexts. Austria sent a large delegation to the Frankfurt National Assembly, which struggled in 1848 and 1849 to forge a new united Germany. Liberal Austrians who sat in the Frankfurt National Assembly tended to share an idealistic vision of a future united Germany that would include the non-German-speaking Habsburg territories. The inhabitants of these territories, it was imagined, would receive linguistic rights where necessary from the fraternal German people, and they would reap considerable benefits from their participation in the high cultural and economic development of the German nation. In fact, using a universal language of inclusion, many Austro-German liberals imagined their nation to be defined by its very commitment to the values of liberal humanism, values available to any struggling people in east-central Europe. <o:p></o:p></div><div class="MsoNormal"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal">At the same time, and in reaction to the events at Frankfurt, Czech national liberal leaders proclaimed their own adherence to an Austria separate from Germany and defined by Slav interests. The (bilingual) Bohemian historian František Palacký(1798–1876), who had been invited to participate in the planning process for the Frankfurt National Assembly, used the occasion of his reply to articulate this Austro-Slav position most effectively. Calling for an Austria organized around a principle of Slav solidarity, since this would protect the so-called smaller nations of central Europe from German and Russian hegemony, Palacký argued that had Austria not existed, it would have had to be invented for this very purpose. In June an informal Slav Congress even met in Prague, although its activities tended to demonstrate the difficulties of forging a common program that would unite the political interests of Czech, Polish, Ukrainian, Slovak, Serbian, and Slovene speakers across the Monarchy. <o:p></o:p></div><div class="MsoNormal"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal">Many historians have since judged nationalism rather than liberalism to have been the major source of discontent in 1848. Such a judgment accepts the nationalist rhetoric of 1848 at face value, and views it in the context of modern nationalist sensibilities, rather than in terms of the specific and limited meanings that attached to such language over 150 years ago. The fact that Austro- Slav declarations by Czech nationalist leaders caught their German-speaking counterparts in Bohemia by surprise should alert the observer to the relative novelty and insignificance of the national issue to most Austrians in 1848. Nationalist discourse became a critical vehicle for conveying regional demands that year, but the nations it invoked were largely figments of the nationalists’ own imagination. More often than not, regional and class loyalties far outweighed their nationalist counterparts. German and Czech-identified deputies to the Austrian parliament from Bohemia (many of whom were bilingual) agreed more often with each other, for example, than they did with German-speaking delegates from Lower Austria or Styria. And unlike their Polish noble counterparts, Polish-speaking peasant deputies to the parliament sought an immediate end to all forms of manorialism. Many historians of 1848 have also argued that the work of the constitutional committee at the parliament in Kremsier constituted the last possibility for a friendly constitutional understanding among the various ‘‘nations’’ of Austria. Indeed the work of the committee provided a notable model for later Austrian constitutions, but the compromises achieved by the committee emerged from its members’ powerful conviction that their common liberal sympathies far outweighed nationalist differences. Whether they held centralist or federalist views, German national or Slav national orientations, the men at Kremsier largely put aside their differences over the latter issues to produce a bill of rights and state structure that would have transformed dynastic Austria into a genuinely constitutional regime. <o:p></o:p></div><div class="MsoNormal"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal">Their efforts, however, would not pay off for another twenty years. Already in the summer of 1848 the regime had begun to reassert its dominance against the revolution, even against its more moderate proponents. In June, Field Marshal Prince Alfred Windischgrätz successfully laid siege to Prague, ending both the Slav Congress and a radical student uprising there. In October the military besieged revolutionary Vienna, long since abandoned by the court and most moderates. In early December the regime replaced the faltering Emperor Ferdinand with the eighteen-year-old Francis Joseph I (r. 1848–1916), and in the spring of 1849 the new emperor and his prime minister, Felix Schwarzenberg, sent the Austrian parliament home, imposing a constitution of their own devising on Austria. Later in 1849, with the help of the Russian military, the Austrians finally managed to defeat the armies of the Hungarian rebels, and in 1851 the emperor decided to rule openly as an absolute monarch by abrogating the constitution he had issued a year before.<o:p></o:p></div>Mitch Williamsonhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14692138354674511017noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8998776328375464624.post-45394756925488467352010-06-13T16:56:00.000+08:002014-05-01T11:11:57.944+08:001846 in Galicia<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://1.bp.blogspot.com/_KezhQ6waZT0/TBSdDjkOe7I/AAAAAAAAXT8/sMqcf6ccK60/s1600/773px-Galician_slaughter_in_1846.PNG" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="248" src="http://1.bp.blogspot.com/_KezhQ6waZT0/TBSdDjkOe7I/AAAAAAAAXT8/sMqcf6ccK60/s320/773px-Galician_slaughter_in_1846.PNG" width="320" /></a></div><br />
</div><div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;"><i>"Rzeź galicyjska" by Jan Lewicki (1795-1871)<o:p></o:p></i></div><div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal">Some critical observers such as Count István Széchenyi (1791–1860) in Hungary blamed Hungary’s political weakness and economic poverty precisely on a shortsighted nobility that gave little thought to the economic welfare of the larger society and fought only to maintain its class privilege. Nobles in Galicia learned the hard way that if a Polish nation did in fact exist, its membership was limited to the uppermost classes, who were often hated by the rest of society. In another sign of the limited extent of national self-identification in these regions, peasants often mythologized their Habsburg rulers for having attempted to intervene on their behalf over the years against their noble masters. Such peasants did not see themselves as part of an imagined Hungarian or Polish nation. When in 1846 Polish nobles in Galicia rebelled against the Habsburgs, Polish- and Ukrainian-speaking peasants famously turned on their rebellious landlords in large numbers and massacred them, claiming to oppose the oppressive Polish nation in whose name the nobles had rebelled.</div><div class="MsoNormal"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Galician_slaughter">Link </a></div><div class="MsoNormal"></div><div class="MsoNormal"><o:p></o:p></div>Mitch Williamsonhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14692138354674511017noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8998776328375464624.post-42975995130678165572010-05-31T13:11:00.000+08:002014-05-01T11:11:57.932+08:00Armies of the 1848-49 Hungarian Rising<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://1.bp.blogspot.com/_KezhQ6waZT0/TANE1nIFL-I/AAAAAAAAXGE/kFlC-FXuhTw/s1600/russianarny1.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="253" src="http://1.bp.blogspot.com/_KezhQ6waZT0/TANE1nIFL-I/AAAAAAAAXGE/kFlC-FXuhTw/s400/russianarny1.jpg" width="400" /></a></div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://1.bp.blogspot.com/_KezhQ6waZT0/TANE7zfXzpI/AAAAAAAAXGI/OQK4kel6no0/s1600/hundagrty.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="400" src="http://1.bp.blogspot.com/_KezhQ6waZT0/TANE7zfXzpI/AAAAAAAAXGI/OQK4kel6no0/s400/hundagrty.jpg" width="392" /></a></div><br />
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</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://4.bp.blogspot.com/_KezhQ6waZT0/TANFA61bFeI/AAAAAAAAXGM/lcf38eWgICM/s1600/asddfr.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="400" src="http://4.bp.blogspot.com/_KezhQ6waZT0/TANFA61bFeI/AAAAAAAAXGM/lcf38eWgICM/s400/asddfr.jpg" width="268" /></a></div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div>Mitch Williamsonhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14692138354674511017noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8998776328375464624.post-43636670418163751972010-05-10T06:26:00.000+08:002014-05-01T11:11:57.938+08:00THE REVOLUTIONS OF 1848-49<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"></div><br />
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://3.bp.blogspot.com/_KezhQ6waZT0/S-c2YTEtohI/AAAAAAAAWu8/oJlu7qkkjqs/s1600/gtyfjyutuykj.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="320" src="http://3.bp.blogspot.com/_KezhQ6waZT0/S-c2YTEtohI/AAAAAAAAWu8/oJlu7qkkjqs/s320/gtyfjyutuykj.jpg" width="272" /></a></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal"><i>The unrest in Hungary in 1848 and 1849 was largely an expression of Magyar nationalism, and as such was opposed by those from minority ethnic groups, in particular the Croats. In 1849, with Louis Kossuth appointed president of an independent republic of Hungary, the Austrians accepted Russian assistance, offered in the spirit of the Holy Alliance, and the rebels were eventually crushed at the Battle of Timisoara.<o:p></o:p></i></div><div class="MsoNormal"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal">Austria was by this time largely under the control of Foreign Minister Metternich, who used his influence to persuade the other major European powers to assist Austria in crushing revolts in Spain, Naples and Piedmont. His own methods involved the limited use of secret police and the partial censorship of universities and freemasons. The years 1848 and 1849 saw a succession of largely unsuccessful uprisings against the absolutist rule of the Habsburg monarchy. Although reforms of the legal and administrative systems (known as the "April Laws") were set to take effect in Hungary later that year, they did not apply to the rest of the Habsburg territories. The unrest started in Vienna in March 1848 (as a result of which Metternich was dismissed) and spread to Prague, Venice and Milan. A Constituent Assembly was summoned to revise the constitution, but its only lasting action was to abolish serfdom. By the autumn the unrest had reached Hungary as a number of ethnic groups within the empire made bids for greater national rights and freedoms. In December the ineffectual Ferdinand I abdicated in favour of his nephew, Francis Joseph. Not feeling bound by the April Laws, Francis Joseph annulled the Hungarian constitution, causing the Hungarian leader Louis Kossuth to declare a republic. With the help of the Russians (who feared the spread of revolutionary fervour), and the Serbs, Croats and Romanians (who all feared Hungarian domination), the Austrian army succeeded in crushing the revolt in 1849. <o:p></o:p></div><div class="MsoNormal"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal">From 1849 onwards an even more strongly centralized system of government was established. Trade and commerce were encouraged by fiscal reforms, and the railway network expanded. Coupled with peasant emancipation - for which landowners had been partially compensated by the government - these measures led to a trebling of the national debt over ten years. Higher taxes and a national loan raised from wealthier citizens led to discontent among the Hungarian nobles, who wished to see the restoration of the April Laws. In 1859 war in the Italian provinces forced the Austrians to cede Lombardy.<o:p></o:p></div>Mitch Williamsonhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14692138354674511017noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8998776328375464624.post-55166060685923954342010-04-25T22:49:00.000+08:002014-05-01T11:11:57.957+08:00CARBONARI<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://4.bp.blogspot.com/_KezhQ6waZT0/S9RWRf0Oj_I/AAAAAAAAWmA/SkY4TVplP9g/s1600/Philippe_Buonarroti.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="320" src="http://4.bp.blogspot.com/_KezhQ6waZT0/S9RWRf0Oj_I/AAAAAAAAWmA/SkY4TVplP9g/s320/Philippe_Buonarroti.jpg" width="213" /></a></div><div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;"><b>Filippo Giuseppe Maria Ludovico Buonarroti</b><o:p></o:p></div><div class="MsoNormal">The Carbonari were one of the many secret societies that proliferated in the years after the French Revolution, and especially after the Bourbon Restoration. Indeed, the secret societies and the fears of secret conspiracies were skillfully exploited by legitimist governments after 1814 to justify often extreme measures of political repression and the curtailment of individual liberties. <o:p></o:p></div><div class="MsoNormal"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal">ORIGINS <o:p></o:p></div><div class="MsoNormal">Since the numbers of the secret societies and the often impossible actions attributed to them were deliberately exaggerated as much by their supporters as by opponents, it is often still difficult to distinguish fact from fiction. But the secret societies existed, among them the Carbonari, which were prominent and especially prolific in southern Italy. Like nearly all the other secret societies, the Carbonarist lodges were modeled on the freemasonic lodges that had spread widely in Europe in the late eighteenth century and were officially promoted throughout Napoleon’s empire (1804–1814/15). As opposition to French imperialism grew, however, the secret societies offered the emperor’s opponents a less visible alternative to freemasonry. <o:p></o:p></div><div class="MsoNormal"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal">The first references to the Carbonari in southern Italy came at precisely the moment when relations between Napoleon I and his brother-in-law Joachim Murat (1767–1815), were breaking down. Murat had ruled Napoleon’s satellite Kingdom of Naples since 1808, but relations with Paris deteriorated to the point that in 1811 he nearly lost his throne. As Murat’s position in the imperial enterprise weakened, he became more dependent on his Neapolitan supporters, who in turn pressed for a constitution. <o:p></o:p></div><div class="MsoNormal"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal">This became the principal political platform of the Carbonarist lodges, whose name was adopted from the Charbonnerie, an informal secret association among the charcoal burners (charbonniers) of the Jura Mountains between France and Switzerland. The name seems to have been taken at random by a group of French officers, hostile to Napoleon, whose regiment took part in the conquest of southern Italy in 1806. One of the first Carbonarist lodges was founded in Calabria by Pierre-Joseph Briot, a senior French official who was also an unreconstructed Jacobin and a longtime opponent of Bonaparte’s dictatorship. <o:p></o:p></div><div class="MsoNormal"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal">The Carbonarists had adopted two alternative political projects. One was the constitution conceded by the king of Spain to the Cortes (legislative assembly) of Cadiz in 1812, and the other was the very different constitution that the British had imposed on Sicily in the same year. Support for these demands spread quickly, and an insurrection in the Abruzzi in 1813 revealed strong support in the army as well. The government immediately banned the Carbonarist lodges, and in Milan, Napoleon’s viceroy Euge`ne Beauharnais did the same. But when in 1814 Murat defected from the empire, on three separate occasions his generals demanded a constitution as the condition for their support. <o:p></o:p></div><div class="MsoNormal"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal">RESTORATION <o:p></o:p></div><div class="MsoNormal">In southern Italy the Carbonarist lodges played an important role in the transition of power after the fall of Napoleon and Murat and the restoration of the Bourbon monarchy in 1815. Their great hope was that the Bourbons would extend the Sicilian constitution to the whole kingdom, but instead it was abolished. As a result, the lodges began to spread both on the mainland and now also in Sicily much to the alarm of the authorities. <o:p></o:p></div><div class="MsoNormal"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal">Those fears were shared more widely as numerous new and old secret societies began to appear all over Europe. They had a bewildering panoply of names and projects: the Adelfi, the Decisi, the Perfect Sublime Masters, the Calderai, to name only a few. Some supported the legitimist restorations, others opposed them, and others had their own projects, like the Russian Decembrists, the Polish Patriotic Society, and the Greek Hetaira Philike´. A growing source of public alarm, the presence of these conspiracies, real or imagined, provided the authorities with pretexts for draconian public security measures, whereas for an inveterate conspirator like Filippo Michele Buonarroti (1761– 1837), a conspirator in the 1796 ‘‘Conspiracy of Equals’’ in Paris and now in the safety of Geneva, these fears gave substance to a revolutionary threat that he knew did not exist but dearly wanted to create. <o:p></o:p></div><div class="MsoNormal"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal">In southern Italy the Bourbon government was paralyzed by its fear of the Carbonari. The fears grew when an insurrection at Macerata in the Papal State in 1817 was attributed to the Carbonari, but in Naples the generals reported that the lodges were too many and too powerful for a frontal attack. When the Spanish revolution took place in January 1820, southern Italy at first seemed calm. But when a protest began in the cavalry barracks at Nola at the beginning of July, within days the protest spread to other regiments. Faced with a general mutiny the monarchy was forced to concede the Spanish constitution. <o:p></o:p></div><div class="MsoNormal"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal">The revolutions in Naples and Sicily in 1820 succeeded because the constitutional program had overwhelming support in the army, but there is strong evidence to suggest that they were planned in the Carbonarist lodges, where the constitutional project was prepared and which during the nine months of constitutional government played an important role in maintaining order. But it was hardly surprising that the Carbonarist revolution in Naples and Sicily rang fresh alarms through Restoration Europe and many now claimed that the secret societies were the invisible hand that linked the revolutions in Spain, Naples, and Sicily to the Cato Street conspiracy in London, the murder of the duc de Berri in France and of the journalist August von Kotzebue in Germany in 1819, which was the immediate pretext for the draconian Carlsbad Decrees. <o:p></o:p></div><div class="MsoNormal"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal">In November, Prince Clemens von Metternich (1773–1859) summoned the European rulers to meet at Troppau in October to coordinate action against the forces of revolution. During the meeting, when the tsar, Alexander I, was informed of a mutiny in one of the St. Petersburg regiments, he immediately detected the work of the secret societies. With the willing complicity of the king of Naples, an Austrian army was dispatched to southern Italy in March 1821, and the revolutions were crushed. The Carbonarist lodges were closed, and their members arrested or placed under police surveillance, dismissed from public office, and banned from the professions. <o:p></o:p></div><div class="MsoNormal"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal">According to Metternich, the Carbonari were ‘‘prelates, priests and citizens of distinguished rank.’’ In fact, they also included many artisans and lesser landowners, but overwhelmingly the Carbonarist lodges gave political voices for the first time to the provincial gentry, of which they were now deprived. However, the police records also show that their numbers were much smaller than the authorities liked to believe, and their suppression served primarily to justify political purges that extended to the entire army, public officials, and the clergy. <o:p></o:p></div><div class="MsoNormal"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal">Despite the defeat of the revolutions in Naples and Sicily, elsewhere in Europe fear of the secret societies now reached a peak. In December 1821 the Carbonari were banned by the pope, but the discovery of plans by a French Charbonnerie to stage revolts in Belfort and Saumur in December 1821 caused new alarms that were exacerbated when four sergeants who were put on trial at La Rochelle for complicity refused to divulge any information. <o:p></o:p></div><div class="MsoNormal"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal">DECLINE OF SECRET SOCIETIES <o:p></o:p></div><div class="MsoNormal">By 1824 the panic was subsiding, Europe was not in flames, and Metternich decided that the threat had been grossly exaggerated all along. By now the revolutionaries were also losing patience, and the failed insurrections that took place in the Papal State in 1831 were the last strike of the Carbonari. A year later Giuseppe Mazzini (1805–1872) founded Young Italy, the revolutionary society that explicitly rejected the tradition of secret conspiracy. Mazzini had begun his career as a member of the Carbonari in Genoa, but now he called on Italian revolutionaries to declare themselves openly and to proselytize the young to the national cause, accusing the Carbonari of adhering to the revolutionary strategies of the French Jacobins that he believed to be outdated and unworkable. <o:p></o:p></div><div class="MsoNormal"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal">The Carbonari now disappeared as quickly as they had materialized. Under attack from the revolutionaries and under growing pressure from the police, the secret societies came to be seen as anachronistic. Former Carbonarists found new berths in a variety of political movements, some more some less militant, while others reverted to mainstream freemasonry. In France, for example, the Charbonnerie made a brief reappearance during the July Revolution in 1830 but were subsequently absorbed into the republican movement. However, while the political threat they posed was certainly exaggerated, the Carbonari and other secret societies enabled European governments to impose even tighter controls—over the press and public associations but also on army officers, public servants, the clergy, and the independent professions—that remained in force down to 1848, and in many cases well beyond.<o:p></o:p></div><div class="MsoNormal"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal">BIBLIOGRAPHY Davis, J. A. Naples and Napoleon: Reform, Revolution, and Empire in Southern Italy, 1750–1820. Oxford, U.K., forthcoming. Roberts, John Morris. The Mythology of the Secret Societies. New York, 1972. Spitzer, Alan B. Old Hatreds and Young Hopes: The French Carbonari against the Bourbon Restoration. Cambridge, Mass., 1971.<o:p></o:p></div>Mitch Williamsonhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14692138354674511017noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8998776328375464624.post-13478631330977396062010-04-25T22:47:00.002+08:002014-05-01T11:11:57.880+08:00CARLSBAD DECREES<div class="MsoNormal">The Carlsbad Decrees were a series of measures adopted by the German Confederation in 1819 that established severe limitations on academic and press freedoms and set up a federal commission to investigate all signs of political unrest in the German states. <o:p></o:p></div><div class="MsoNormal"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal">The Napoleonic Wars had spurred the growth of a small but influential nationalist movement in Germany, which garnered some of its most fervent supporters from among students and professors. After the anti-Napoleonic campaigns of 1813– 1815, student veterans returned to their universities and founded a series of nationalist fraternities or Burschenschaften, which were intended to promote the values of ‘‘Germanness, militancy, honor, and chastity.’’ While the Burschenschaften were active throughout Germany’s Protestant universities, the radical hub of the movement was Jena. There students and like-minded professors took advantage of the new press freedoms granted in Saxony-Weimar’s 1816 constitution to promote liberal and nationalist positions and critique the slow pace of reform in Germany since the Congress of Vienna. Saxony-Weimar was also the site of the Wartburg Festival (October 1817), in which students gathered to sing nationalist hymns, issue vague demands for freedom and unity, and burn a list of books they deemed reactionary or anti- German. These developments were viewed with alarm by the Austrian chancellor Clemens von Metternich, who saw the student movement as a serious threat to the Restoration order established at Vienna. Metternich maintained that such radicalism was encouraged by an overly lenient attitude among government officials in Prussia and by the broader push toward constitutional government in Baden, Bavaria, Württemberg, and Saxony- Weimar. <o:p></o:p></div><div class="MsoNormal"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal">Metternich was already seeking to clamp down on the Burschenschaften and their supporters when they provided him with a perfect pretext. On 23 March 1819 the student Karl Sand assassinated the conservative playwright August von Kotzebue in his apartment in Mannheim. Kotzebue had been a vociferous critic of the radical nationalist movement (one of his books was on the list burned at the Wartburg Festival); moreover, as a prolific and highly successful author of light comedies he was widely seen as the embodiment of Old Regime frivolity and lasciviousness. Recently it had become known that Kotzebue was sending reports on German cultural affairs to the Russian tsar. Sand, a student of theology at Jena and a member of the local Burschenschaft, resolved to take matters into his own hands, striking down this ‘‘traitor’’ to the German nation. With Kotzebue dead, Sand attempted to kill himself but was instead arrested, tried, and eventually executed. Meanwhile, a deranged student had made an attempt on the life of a district official in Nassau, adding to the sense of unrest and imminent revolution. <o:p></o:p></div><div class="MsoNormal"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal">Sand’s act represented a substantial reversal for the reform party in Prussia, as moderates like Karl August von Hardenberg and Karl von Altenstein lost influence with Frederick William III (r. 1797–1840) to more reactionary members of his cabinet. At a meeting in Teplitz on 1 August, Metternich and the Prussian king agreed that their states would take a common hardline policy against the ‘‘revolutionary party’’ in Germany. The outlines of that policy were hammered out two weeks later at a conference of ministers from ten leading German states, which took place in the resort locale of Carlsbad. The conference drafted a series of decrees, which were then approved unanimously at a meeting of the Federal Diet on 20 September 1819. <o:p></o:p></div><div class="MsoNormal"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal">The Carlsbad Decrees consisted of four laws. The University Law established a state plenipotentiary for each university, who was responsible for maintaining proper discipline and morality. The state governments were obligated to remove any teacher who taught subversive doctrines or otherwise abused his authority and to enforce existing laws against secret student organizations (that is, the Burschenschaften). Professors fired by one university could not be hired by another, and students found guilty of involvement with the Burschenschaften were banned from future employment in public office. The Press Law required that all books and periodicals shorter than 320 pages be approved by a censorship board before they could be published. Periodicals that harmed the interests of a German state could be shut down and their editors banned from publishing for as long as five years. An Investigative Law set up a federal investigative body that was charged with examining and reporting on all evidence of political unrest in Germany (though prosecution of suspects was left to the individual states). Finally, the Provisional Execution Order granted the Confederation the authority to take action against states that failed to suppress revolutionary activities within their borders. <o:p></o:p></div><div class="MsoNormal"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal">The immediate effect of the Carlsbad Decrees was a stifling of liberal political expression in Germany. The Burschenschaften were banned, liberal professors were fired, and students suspected of illegal activities found the path to government office blocked. Thus Prussia and Austria were able to impose an effective conservative hegemony within the Confederation, hampering efforts toward liberal or constitutional reform. Once the decrees attained permanent status in 1824, government spying and censorship became a way of life in Germany, often lamented in the writings of Heinrich Heine and Ludwig Börne. Yet the impact of the Carlsbad Decrees should not be overstated. Application of these laws was always uneven, and opposition figures became quite skillful in skirting the censors. Moreover, the Revolution of 1830 in France would unleash a new wave of political unrest in Germany, which led to new constitutions in Hannover and Saxony and liberal reforms in a number of other states. Still, it required another revolution (that of 1848) before the Carlsbad Decrees were finally repealed by the Federal Diet in April 1848.<o:p></o:p></div><div class="MsoNormal"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal">BIBLIOGRAPHY Büssem, Eberhard. Die Karlsbader Beschlu¨ sse von 1819: Die endgültige Stabiliserung der restaurativen Politik im Deutschen Bund nach dem Wiener Kongress 1814/15. Hildesheim, Germany, 1974. Huber, Ernst Rudolf. Deutsche Verfassungsgeschichte seit 1789. Vol. 1: Reform und Restauration 1789 bis 1830. Stuttgart, Germany, 1957. Sheehan, James J. German History, 1770–1866. Oxford, U.K., 1989. Williamson, George S. ‘‘What Killed August von Kotzebue?: The Temptations of Virtue and the Political Theology of German Nationalism, 1789–1819.’’ Journal of Modern History 72, no. 4 (2000): 890–943.<o:p></o:p></div>Mitch Williamsonhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14692138354674511017noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8998776328375464624.post-64937079058132944332010-02-21T19:18:00.000+08:002014-05-01T11:11:57.967+08:00Radetzky in Italy<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://2.bp.blogspot.com/_KezhQ6waZT0/S4EWZa-ZhDI/AAAAAAAAV0U/G16v51_Pa1A/s1600-h/Radetzky-von-radetz.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" src="http://2.bp.blogspot.com/_KezhQ6waZT0/S4EWZa-ZhDI/AAAAAAAAV0U/G16v51_Pa1A/s320/Radetzky-von-radetz.jpg" /></a></div><div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;"><i>Johann Josef Wenzel Graf Radetzky von Radetz</i><br />
<br />
<i><o:p></o:p></i></div><div class="MsoNormal">Liberal Hungary’s nemesis was certainly gathering strength. A week after the chain bridge accident, the reaction triumphed again, this time in Italy. In June Field Marshal Radetzky had at last convinced the Austrian government that the war was winnable. The cabinet had been rather stung by the old fox’s recent sharp remarks, such as, in a letter to Latour on 21 June, ‘I only wish . . . that the Minister [Pillersdorf ] could have as much success in battle against the intelligentsia of our time . . . as I am now having, despite being in the minority, in battles and skirmishes with the King of Sardinia.’ Six days later, Latour gave Radetzky the order he sought: to gamble Austrian power in Italy on one decisive battle.The omens were good. Charles Albert had divided his forces, with 28,000 in front of Verona and 42,000 laying siege to Mantua. Radetzky now had 74,000 troops. He planned to ram a wedge between the Piedmontese by driving those in front of Verona back on to Peschiera.<o:p></o:p></div><div class="MsoNormal"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal">The attack began on 22 July, and on the following day Radetzky smashed his way through the very centre of the Piedmontese line, which defended a series of hill-top villages north of the settlement that gave this epic encounter its name: Custozza. Charles Albert tried to counter-attack in the broiling heat of 24 July – and, at one stage, the King saw Italian tricolours being waved triumphantly on the heights – but in the small hours of the next day, Radetzky brought the full weight of his forces to bear on the parched, exhausted Italian units and swept them back off the slopes.<o:p></o:p></div><div class="MsoNormal"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal"> Charles Albert’s forces fell back on Milan, which turned out to be a mere staging-post in a general Piedmontese withdrawal from the war. In the Lombard capital power now slipped out of the hands of discredited monarchists and into those of the republicans, who, advised by Mazzini, prepared to resist the Austrians by throwing up earthworks, building barricades and collecting what money, ammunition and provisions could be had at such short notice. Food and ammunition were scarce and most of the available artillery was in Piacenza. While Charles Albert assured the populace on 5 August that he intended to fight, he was already negotiating terms with Radetzky. It was agreed that the Piedmontese would march out of Milan on 6 August and then have a day in which to withdraw altogether from Lombardy, taking with them all those who had ‘compromised’ themselves in the revolution. Radetzky would enter the city the following day. When word of this deal leaked out in the night of 5–6 August, an enraged crowd surged around the Greppi Palace, where Charles Albert was staying. The King had to be extricated by his troops, who were already beginning their evacuation. ‘The city of Milan is ours’, wrote a triumphant Radetzky twenty-four hours later: ‘no enemy remains on Lombard soil’. On 9 August, the Piedmontese General Salasco signed an armistice. <o:p></o:p></div><div class="MsoNormal"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal">Radetzky’s grit – he had, after all, bullishly refused to follow earlier government orders to negotiate – and his military skills had retrieved Austrian power in Italy. By significantly easing the pressure on the Viennese government, he also contributed immensely to the survival of the Habsburg Empire itself in 1848. <o:p></o:p></div>Mitch Williamsonhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14692138354674511017noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8998776328375464624.post-73043914753688410442010-02-21T19:17:00.000+08:002014-05-01T11:11:57.976+08:00Venice and Custozza<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://2.bp.blogspot.com/_KezhQ6waZT0/S4EWGYJ9CFI/AAAAAAAAV0M/5MgquxRanUo/s1600-h/WeldenLitho.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="400" src="http://2.bp.blogspot.com/_KezhQ6waZT0/S4EWGYJ9CFI/AAAAAAAAV0M/5MgquxRanUo/s400/WeldenLitho.jpg" width="271" /></a></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal">Venice was now completely isolated in an Austrian sea. The news of Custozza and the armistice ‘fell on Venice like a thunderbolt from a serene sky’, as the American consul, Edmund Flagg, put it. The Venetian vote for ‘fusion’ was now redundant, and Daniele Manin emerged from the crisis with great credit. The small, bespectacled republican had refused to be part of the monarchist provisional government that had been appointed on 5 July: ‘I am and will remain a republican. In a monarchist state I can be nothing.’ As if to ram the point home, Manin put on his civic guard uniform and, with the rank of private, took his turns doing sentry duty – a simple citizen doing his best for his city. The monarchist ‘July government’ certainly had its work cut out, for the Austrians, commanded by Marshal Franz von Welden, had isolated the city from the terra firma. His forces, numbering some nine thousand, were now extended in a cordon around the lagoon. Yet many of these troops were shivering with malaria, and there was no immediately obvious way of striking at the city itself, which was defended by no fewer than fifty-four forts, only three of which were on terra firma. Command of the 22,000-strong Venetian forces (of whom 12,000 were Italian volunteers and regular troops who had converged on the city from all over Italy) had been given on 15 June to General Pepe, who had reached the city on a steamer from Chiogga with the remnants of his Neapolitan regiments. <o:p></o:p></div><div class="MsoNormal"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal">The population’s hostility towards the monarchists was palpable: the provinces of the mainland had voted for fusion, not the great city itself. With news of Custozza, the anger in Venice boiled over. On 3 August, some 150 people, fired up with Mazzinian ideas, gathered in the Casino dei Cento and established the Italian Club, ostensibly to discuss the problems of the day, but in reality as an alternative, republican, centre of power. When the Piedmontese commissioners, who had been sent to Venice to assume authority in Charles Albert’s name, arrived four days later, they were greeted with a storm of hostility. On 10 August, the leading republicans, including Manin and Tommaseo, signed a protest and demanded a meeting of the Venetian assembly. The government made itself remarkably unpopular when it tactlessly cited the old Austrian laws to try to silence its critics in the press and in the Italian Club. The following day, it yielded, agreeing to the creation of a committee of defence to be elected by the assembly. The Piedmontese commissioners resigned their powers, but they were still hounded on Saint Mark’s Square, by a Venetian crowd baying for their blood. <o:p></o:p></div><div class="MsoNormal"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal">At this dangerous moment, Daniele Manin was busy browsing in a bookshop. This pleasant activity was interrupted when he was summoned to meet with the government and the commissioners. His very appearance on the balcony above the Piazza stilled the turbulence below. Manin promised them that the Venetian assembly would meet on 13 August and that, in the meantime, he would assume power. He called on all Venetians to defend their city. His audience, which moments before had been intent on murder, erupted into ecstatic cheering: ‘Viva Manin! To the forts!’ The mood of the city changed from one of anger and bewilderment to one of hope: the son of a leading republican later recalled ‘with what confidence in saving the motherland we stayed up to watch the dawn breaking over the railway bridge and the battered vessels of our fleet!’ Manin had carried off a coup, and not just against the monarchists: he had also stolen a march on the Mazzinians, who had hoped to seize power themselves. Manin had always feared the dangers of mob rule. To him, Mazzini’s ideas of revolution seemed to pose just such a threat, and one of his tasks, as he saw it, was to prevent ‘anarchy’. He viewed the June days in Paris as precisely the kind of bloody social chaos into which Venice could easily sink unless its leaders made law and order their priority. <o:p></o:p></div><div class="MsoNormal"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal">Nevertheless, the more urgent problem was the war against Austria, which Venice was now bearing virtually alone. When the assembly met on 13 August, Manin agreed to share power with two military commanders, one from the army, Colonel Giovanni Cavedalis, the other from the navy, Admiral Leone Graziani. In order to ensure that the greatest possible unity would prevail, Manin went so far as to declare that Venice would not, once again, be proclaimed a republic. The government, he said, was provisional ‘in every meaning of the term’. This was another slap in Mazzinian faces, who were capable of mounting a serious challenge to the new triumvirate, since they had a great deal of support among the non- Venetian volunteers and troops. But Manin’s popularity with the wider population was greater still, and he had the backing of the commander-in-chief, Pepe. So it was that, until the autumn, Manin successfully resisted the pressure from the Italian Club (and from Mazzini himself ) to transform Venice into the hard kernel of Italian republicanism, from which the rest of the country could be revolutionised.<o:p></o:p></div>Mitch Williamsonhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14692138354674511017noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8998776328375464624.post-43548576861223257072010-01-22T22:40:00.000+08:002014-05-01T11:11:57.935+08:00The European Political System – 1830 & 1848<div class="MsoNormal">The revolutions of 1830 showed the flexibility of the system. The new French regime was accepted, with Palmerston leading the way. The British doctrine that the territorial status quo, and not the domestic regime, mattered was accepted by the other powers. But the revolt in Belgium in the same year against William I, king of the Netherlands, showed that even the territorial status quo could alter. His appeals to the sanctity of the 1815 treaties went unheeded, an illustration of the primacy of power over law in international relations, and the vulnerability of small states in nineteenth century diplomacy. Belgium’s creation in 1831, bolstered by a guarantee of its neutrality by the great powers, was the destruction of one state (the Netherlands), as much as the formation of a new one. Belgian security was only important to the great powers because they feared that the Belgian revolutionaries might unite with France, damaging the territorial buffers of 1815. If the Concert of Europe was sufficiently flexible to accommodate Belgian independence, the new state proved a model of restraint, eschewing any aspirations towards union with France which would have meant war. Belgian independence was preserved by the constellations of great power politics, rather than the flimsy treaty guarantees of 1831 to which no great power felt bound.<br />
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</div><div class="MsoNormal">Security concerns rather than ideological principles had dictated the policy of the three eastern and conservative great powers. Austria’s and Russia’s repression of revolts in Italy in 1830 and Poland in 1831 respectively showed that the spheres of influence marked out in 1815 were broadly respected. Prussia also fulfilled its role as guardian of the Rhineland against any possible French invasion in 1830, underlining the geopolitical shift of its priorities towards western Germany, which had taken place in 1815. The German Confederation could not play the defensive role assigned to it by the 1815 settlement. Military mobilization was dependent on the initiative of individual states, most notably Prussia. That state confirmed itself as the leading German power, while Austria had non-German commitments in Italy. The Third Germany looked to Prussia for protection against the potential French menace – the rights enshrined in treaties still depended on military force. It remained a balance of power system, not an equilibrium of rights and interests. Restraint was induced by calculations of power, spheres of influence, and grouping rather than an automatic respect for international treaties. <br />
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</div><div class="MsoNormal">The 1830 revolutions appeared at first glance to have opened an ideological rift within Europe with three conservative eastern great powers facing liberal France and Britain. In 1833 Austria, Prussia, and Russia concluded a treaty allowing intervention in aid of any legitimate ruler against revolution. In 1834 France, Britain, Spain, and Portugal concluded the Quadruple Alliance. <br />
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</div><div class="MsoNormal">The 1848 revolutions represented a massive challenge to the territorial settlement of 1815, particularly in Central Europe where the formation of German, Hungarian, and Italian states became possible. The Concert of Europe demonstrated its continued strength in preventing any territorial change and averting a war between the great powers. This was partly due to the monarchical solidarity of the three eastern powers, though calculations of power relations played the decisive role. For the most part, the habits of grouping and restraint informed the foreign policies of the great powers, despite nationalist pressures. Small states, such as Piedmont-Sardinia in Italy, which challenged the territorial order were left to pay the price, while those, like Belgium and Denmark, which sought the maintenance of the status quo were supported. The incentives during the international crisis were for restraint. Yet there was also evidence of flexibility. Statesmen were willing to countenance change – such as the unification of Germany under Prussia – as long as it did not disrupt the balance of power. To this extent, the Concert system survived 1848 in terms of the principles of the behavior of the great powers. <br />
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</div><div class="MsoNormal">Britain and Russia played a particularly important role in controlling the international consequences of the revolutions in their particular spheres of influence. Britain recognized another new French regime which signaled its conservative foreign policy by assuring Spain and Belgium of its peaceful intentions. Russia played a much more dramatic role in Central Europe where it suppressed a Hungarian revolt which threatened the Habsburg Empire. Austria was active in Italy, defeating Piedmont- Sardinia in 1848 and 1849. <br />
</div>Mitch Williamsonhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14692138354674511017noreply@blogger.com0